Whenever I pass the busy Ho-Chi-Minh Road in South Delhi, I
am invariably reminded of an extremely cordial and thriving friendly
relationships between India and Vietnam. The foundations for bilateral relationship
was laid by Prime Minister Jawaharlal and Vietnam’s founding father
Ho-Chi-Minh. Like India Vietnam had to fight to colonial forces to gain
independence and struggle for freedom indeed bought the nations together. Jawaharlal
Nehru was one of the first visitors to Vietnam after it obtained independence
from France in 1954. In reciprocation, President Ho Chi Minh made his first
bilateral visit to India in 1958 ushering both countries into a realm of
friendship. India established official diplomatic relations with North Vietnam
in 1972 and subsequently granted Most
Favoured Nation status to Vietnam in 1975. India supported Vietnam’s
freedom struggle- the first Indochina war,
condemned US military intervention during Vietnamese
war or the second Indochina war (a war against forces of South Vietnam and
the US), bolstered the reunification process and was one of the few
non-communist countries to extend help in Cambodian-Vietnamese
war. Contemporary relations are strengthened by high level state visits and
burgeoning trade and economic links. By 1992, under Look East Policy India
reoriented its focus of engaging with South East Asian Countries and
subsequently, rejuvenated ties with Vietnam by inking various agreements in oil
exploration, agriculture and manufacturing. Besides, centuries old historical
connect between both countries are revitalizing people to people connect.
Records indicate that India’s trade and cultural links dates back to as old as
2nd century.
Vietnam’s Indic Connect-
A Brief History
A careful study of the accumulated cultural treasure throws a
significant light on the traditional and religious links between India and
Vietnam. Central Vietnam, South Vietnam,
Cambodia were an integral part of the ancient Indochinese, Champa Kingdom that
included a collection of Cham polities that extended till Laos. Champa Kingdom
existed from 2nd century through 19th century reached its
zenith by 9th century and was eventually absorbed into the
Vietnamese state. Champ had five major principalities- Indrapura, Amaravati,
Vijaya, Kauthara and Panduranga. Records
indicate that each of these regions followed Indic traditions that are
essentially rooted in Hinduism. Most of the archeologically preserved places
reflect how the art and culture of Champa Kingdom was shaped by Hinduism. The
culture of the region was influenced by forces from China, Cambodia, Java and
India till AD 192. But by 4th century the region was pervaded by the
Indic cultural influences and prevailed till 19th century. Sanskrit
was adopted as the state language and Shaivism was the official religion of the
kingdom. They also worshipped Earth Goddess Lady Po Nagar. Inscriptions in
Sanskrit found on the dilapidated Shiva temples in the My Son temple complex
clearly corroborates these facts. Champa indeed had strong maritime linkages
with the Sri Vijaya empire of Malay Archipelago. Predominance of the Hinduism
was interrupted two principalities adopted Mahayana Buddhism in 10th
century. Almost during the same period, Arab traders trotting the maritime
waters from Persian Gulf to South China Sea for spice trade began to bring
Islamic cultural and religious influences to Champa. By 17th Century
Royal families converted into Islam. Chams which follow Islamic faith are
called Beni Chams and Balamon Chams preserved Hindu traditions. Balamon Chams
and Balinese people are now the surviving non-indic Hindu communities in the
World. Also, most Cambodian Chams are Muslims, Vietnamese Chams are Hindus.
Similar to that of Angkor Wat of Cambodia, Vietnam had an immense temple
complex, My Son which was destroyed during Vietnam war. My Son temple was
designated as UNESCO site in 1999. The advent of French Jesuit Missionary
changed the societal composition of Champa and French perused the pretext to
intervene in Vietnam’s affairs. French who landed in Vietnam for fostering
trade links began accumulating territories and eventually usurped the entire
Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and the leased out Chinese Province of Guangzhouwan
(Currently Zhangjiang). These regions together were referred as French
IndoChina. With occupation of French, Chams were reduced to a minority. Beni
and Balamon Chams are now present in Central and South Vietnam.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s two-day sojourn to Vietnam on
September 2nd enroute Huangzhou was aimed at giving fresh impetus to
India’s Act East Policy. This visit to Vietnam by an Indian Prime Minister
comes after a gap of 15 years, Atal Bihari Vajpayee last visited Hanoi in 2001.
(Man Mohan Singh visited Vietnam in 2010 to attend India-ASEAN meet). Modi’s
first visit to this region was to attend the ASEAN-India Summit and East Asian
Summit (EAS) at Myanmar. In 2015, he visited Malaysia to attend ASEAN-India and
EAS when he travelled to Singapore also. This is Modi’s third bilateral visit
to the region and Vietnam’s visit is highly watched for the geopolitical
significance and the longstanding relationships shared by both the countries.
Ever since China’s adamant refusal to accept the verdict of Permanent
Court of Arbitration (PCA) that rejected China’s territorial claims over 80% of
South China Sea (SCS) the region has become potential zone of conflict. Having
suffered harassment of China, Philippines pulled China to International Court
and Vietnam had put its strong foot forward opposing Chinese claims. Vietnam
indeed has been India’s trusted friend and for various geopolitical reasons the
roiling ferment in the region has pushed Hanoi into Delhi’s embrace. Overwhelming
Chinese presence in India’s neighborhood and its relentless dissonance with
India over various issues prompted India to buttress the military capabilities
of pressure points in its immediate vicinity. Nearly 50% of India’s trade
passes through SCS and has oil exploration interests in the territorial waters
claimed by Vietnam. Escalating militarization of SCS stands against vital
interests of both countries. During Modi’s current visit as India and Vietnam
celebrate 10th year of Strategic Partnership and 45th
anniversary of establishment of diplomatic ties both countries fervently
aspires to upgrade its strategic defence ties and bilateral relationship.
Earlier in May, President Obama in a bid to erase the
legacies of the past and to obtain access to Vietnamese port Cam Ranh Bay
announced complete lifting of arms embargo. Days after the announcement, Defence
Minister Manohar Parrikar with high-level defence industry delegation travelled
to Hanoi to review its pending request of 2011 for sale of supersonic missile
Brahmos and to strengthen military ties. India then provided $100 million Line
of Credit for procurement of offshore patrol boats. By mid-June India entered
nuclear regime Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) whereby it could export
of missile technology. Modi government
directed the BrahMos Aerospace (that produces missiles) to expedite sale of
missiles to Vietnam and four other Countries (Brazil, Indonesia, South Africa
and Chile). India always honored the aspirations of Vietnam and Hanoi
reciprocated consistently by supporting India’s quest for permanent membership
at the UNSC. Pertaining to defence cooperation, Vietnam sought help from India
to modernize its military capabilities because of the commonalities of the
platform (both countries have frigates and submarines of Russian Origin) and
India agreed. As both countries agree to intensify defence cooperation India
might eventually gain some valuable strategic inputs from Vietnamese military
which effectively aborted Chinese efforts that failed to check its aggression
against Cambodia during the third Indochina
war.
On his arrival in Hanoi, Modi was accorded ceremonial welcome
at the Presidential Palace and was received by the President Tran Dai Quang.
Modi laid wreath at the Monument of National Heroes and Martyrs, visited the
Mausoleum where Ho Chi Minh was laid to rest. Accompanied by the Prime Minister
Nguyen Xuan Phuc and President, Modi visited the two-storied wooden stilt house
of Ho Chi Minh near the palace. He also met General Secretary of Communist
Party Nguyen Phu Trong who appreciated India’s stand on the South China Sea.
In lieu of shared interests, Modi announced that India and
Vietnam will upgrade the strategic partnership to a comprehensive strategic
partnership at the Joint Press Statement. At Hanoi, both countries signed 12
agreements and memorandum of understanding (MoU) ranging from defence,
information technology, space, sharing of white shipping information, avoidance
of double taxation, health, medicine, cooperation in cyber security, scholarships
for Sanskrit and Buddhist studies. In a bid to upgrade defence ties, India has
offered $500 million fresh Line of Credit for defence cooperation and pledged
$5 million towards building an Army Software Park at the Telecommunications
University in Nha Trang. An agreement was reached between Larsen and Turbo
(L&T) and Vietnam Coast Guards for construction of high-speed patrol boats.
But Modi didn’t make announcement of the much anticipated agreement on the sale
of BrahMos missile. Perhaps Modi wanted to avoid any major blow up of the
fragile regional equilibrium just before his scheduled talks with President Xi
Jinping.
Regarding trade and investment, India is one of top ten
trading partners of Vietnam and the bilateral trade has increased from $500
million in 2005 to $7.1 billion in 2015. Vietnam is an emerging nation with
strong potential for growth and investment. Modi has invited Vietnam’s
participation in all the flagship programs of his government and sought
facilitation of ongoing Indian projects in Vietnam. Modi has set a bilateral
trade target of $15 billion by 2020. As an esteemed member of the ASEAN Vietnam
and signatory of TTP (Trans-Pacific Partnership), it is a favorable destination
for Indian investors.
Furtherance of soft diplomacy has been an integral of Modi’s
foreign policy. In continuance with his trademark diplomacy, Modi visited the
Quan Su Pagoda and interacted with the Buddhist Monks and invited them to visit
India. The last Indian leader to visit the Pagoda was Dr. Rajendra Prasad in
1959. Invigorating the traditional linkages between India and Vietnam, Modi was
in praise for the Buddhist ideals. While India and Vietnam share robust
bilateral ties which include defence cooperation, trade and economic linkages,
people to people interactions can aid in deepening the strategic relationship.
Promoting tourism and cultural exchanges can indeed strengthen these friendship
bridges. To promote such interactions, exploring and appreciating the strong
historical connect would be of immense help. As a matter of fact, both countries
share a rich legacy of tradition, culture, religion and language which is
almost 2000 years old.
India’s proactive engagement in all likelihood with Vietnam
would antagonize China. Hawkish Chinese strategists may not shy away from
exaggerating the upgradation of ties as an attempt to develop Indo-Vietnam
axis. But unlike Sino-Pakistan axis that foments cross border terrorism and
threaten the security of country, India doesn’t support anti-China agenda.
Moreover, the dynamics of relationships both countries hold towards China is
very different. Both countries are on same page with regards to disputes of
South China Sea. Indeed, like India, Vietnam is averse to the idea of forming
military alliances and steadily developed seamless solidarity and trust. India
having shed hesitation under Modi should now emerge as the regional balancing
power and contribute towards “stability, security and prosperity of the
region”. While Modi was in Hanoi on a bilateral visit, a stealth fighter J-20 of
Peoples Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) was spotted in the Tibetan region
close to Arunachal Pradesh.
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