How the opposition led by the Congress is indulging in shameful politics over vaccines

Indian Political narratives are falling way short of the logic. The series of the flip-flops and shifting of the goal posts by the opposition allude to the same. The over enthusiasm of the opposition to make the Prime Minister the fall guy, exposed their Modi “derangement syndrome”.

Crisis in any country brings people together. Rightly so, every nation’s history is etched with instances of self-less leadership striving to turn crisis into an opportunity. Wuhan virus pandemic, a “once-in-a-century” crisis has thrown up many challenges. India’s scientific community took up this challenge in stride and produced a reliable and efficacious vaccine, a feat accomplished by a handful of nations in the World. Known as the “World’s pharmacy”, India became home for production of two vaccines- Covishield and Covaxin. Prodded by the government of the day, India revelled in the stellar scientific accomplishment. On the contrary, opposition parties with their ignominious political labelling cast aspersions on the indigenous vaccine and inadvertently stoked “vaccine hesitancy”.

Opposition which is rather quick in drawing parallels with other democratic countries to pick on the government for the glaring inadequacies and ill-preparedness in anticipation of next wave of pandemic, have failed to emulate the culture of being responsible leaders during a health emergency. Undeniably, government has floundered on many accounts and the plight of Indians in terms of loss of lives of near and dear ones is testament to these woes.

But unlike in other countries, opposition in India made a spectacle out of the pandemic. Despite a head start, determined to upstage the centre, notwithstanding the enormity of the pandemic, opposition used the occasion for narrative setting and settling political scores.

Alas!!! Even India’s arch-enemies could have behaved with empathy. The leakage of the Congress tool kit, whose origins are yet to be established has only offered a bird’s eye view of the larger conundrum planned by the opposition.  With all postulates propounded in the toolkit already in place, the toolkit couldn’t be dismissed as a frivolous political mischief. The accompanying colossal disinformation campaign comprising of a deluge of tweets seeking help and mounting complaints of unavailability of the beds, medicines, oxygen supplies and vaccines had exacerbated the fears of common man. This orchestrated attempt of breeding ill-will indeed, fuelled dissent and sparked disaffection towards the ruling dispensation.

The panic mongering pertaining to the scarcity of covid resources has been one part of the story with the cornerstone of this toolkit being derailment of the vaccine policy.

At a time when countries have been actively, rolling out and motivating people to make the vaccine drive highly successfully to combat the pandemic, Indian opposition threw spanner in country’s vaccination program. Even as countries, vied with each other to pre-order vaccines, grappling with the hesitancy and lack of acceptance, Indian government cautiously tread this path and rolled out a vaccine program recommended by NEGVAC (National Expert Group of Vaccine Administration for Covid-19).

Accordingly, a three- phase vaccination drive was unveiled for prioritised population groups initially which included– Health care workers in the first phase, frontline workers, elders and people above 45 in the order of priority. To start with, vaccination drive was sequential owing to limited supply of jabs with plans to slowly extend it. Vaccination for all the above three groups was free in all government hospitals.

As per the slated policy, requisite quantities of the vaccines were dispatched to states and UTs. But States like Chhattisgarh rejected jabs sent by centre during the initial stages. Audit reports now indicate that the vaccine wastage has been dismally high in some of the opposition ruled states.

Despite the concerted attempts to frustrate the drive, vaccination process gained much steam by April when the second wave of pandemic hit the country. The ferocity and the lethality of the pandemic unsettled the country.

Suddenly, vaccine sceptics and anti-vaxxers lambasted the government for the slow pace of the vaccination. Hauled it over coals for the Vaccine Maitri and for failing to pre-order sufficient supplies. Overnight, vaccines were pronounced as the magic bullet to keep the pandemic at bay by the opposition. Indeed, with the deluge of pandemic, snuffing out young lives, opposition censured the government for failing to predict the intensity and spread of the pandemic and rooted for vaccination for all. Relenting to growing calls for mass inoculation, Central government in charge of the Vaccination policy, made the necessary amends.

In contravention to the National Vaccination Policy of 2011 legislated by the UPA government, where Centre is mandated to acquire vaccines, relenting to the appeals of state chief ministers, Prime Minister allowed them to manage the vaccination process. Starting May 1^st, fourth phase of vaccination was launched by the states to inoculate 18-44 age group. Decentralising the whole process, the supply basket was divided into two - 50 percent for centre and 50 percent for open markets. States were allowed to procure vaccines from the manufacturers directly.

Reminding the centre of the federal spirit and denouncing it for being obstinate and arrogant, states demanded decentralisation of vaccine process. Regional leaders pledged to put vaccination process back on track by taking full charge of the situation. Accusing centre for failing to ensure the smooth supply of vaccine leading to shortages, states have set out for global tendering. But the Pharma companies insisted on dealing with central government alone.

In the fourth phase, majority of states announced free vaccines for above 18 age group obtained jabs from centre based on the extent of infection and speed of vaccination. They were free to negotiate with the manufactures to buy needed vaccines. While the centre’s free vaccination drive continued, differential pricing of vaccines for states and private hospitals and other issues cropped up. States vaccinated for free, but private players charged different amounts for the jabs.

Needling the centre’s original vaccine policy, the overzealous state leaders who wanted to leverage the jabs for political gains have messed up the whole situation. Launching a tirade against the centre amid a pandemic, opposition posed hurdles to the vaccination even as government expedited the process of acquiring more jabs from foreign players.

Russia’s Sputnik V sale began by last week of May. To cope up with increasing vaccine demand, centre facilitated entry of six vaccines, which are slated to enter Indian markets from August. By the end of 2021, two billion doses will be made available.

Centre’s Vaccine policy, which has been maintaining steady progress till May started facing hiccups thanks to the lackadaisical appeals of the states.

Interestingly, the fourth phase has been a witness to mediocre vaccine agenda of states wherein Bengal replaced the picture of Prime Minister Modi with CM Mamata’s photo on vaccine certificate, Delhi announced “Jahan vote wahan vaccination”, Punjab government was caught selling the jabs obtained from Centre’s quota to private hospitals and Rajasthan’s vaccine wastage racket emerged. Under the garb of Vaccine drive, states began to pursue their political agendas.  Not satisfied with trading vaccines and wasting the precious resources, they have turned the vaccination process into a veritable electoral campaign.

The colossal mess of confusion an outcome of states vaccine decentralisation appeals, prompted the SC to pull up the central government for its arbitrary vaccine policy. Connivingly, the Congress party, having framed the National Vaccine Policy, cognizant of Central government’s centrality for the vaccination process, egged on the regional leaders to create this commotion. The unfoldment of vaccination melodrama at the height of the pandemic has laid bare the hypocrisies and brazen politicking of the opposition.

For all the ruckus and the slanderous pandemic propaganda on inadequate vaccine supplies, major pharma players overwhelmed by pre-orders expressed their inability to supply vaccines till 2022. Majority of the countries are still pursuing a phased vaccination drive. For an emerging country like India which can’t afford frequent lockdowns, mass inoculation is a necessity. But vaccination making is not a two-minute noodle making job.

Putting things in perspective, Prime Minister Modi’s in his address to the nation yesterday, demolished the fallacious propaganda of the opposition on India’s vaccine policy. Setting things straight, PM questioned the vaccine hesitancy fuelled by opposition and apprised them of previous vaccination drives by different governments till now.

Facing the ire of opposition, government has agreed to decentralise the vaccine policy. But with states expressing inability to continue the mass inoculation, revoked the decentralisation and enunciated a new plan which will be in place from June 21^st. As per the revised policy, centre has announced free vaccination to all, continuation of free ration till Diwali and a centralised vaccine procurement as well.

Data doesn’t lie and vaccination numbers clearly puts India among select few countries with respectable inoculation rates. Given the huge population, the numbers as in percentage of population inoculated may not be encouraging, but absolute numbers reflect the robustness of the logistics of delivery mechanisms of India. To cope up with vast demand government has expedited grant approval to vaccine manufacturers and removed all roadblocks for scaling up vaccination production. But vested interests in cahoots with political leaders and media are endlessly running a dishonest campaign. To this end, Modi’s address did a great service in repelling the pessimistic portrayal.

Essentially, a modicum of earnestness and solemnity by various stakeholders will go a long way in combatting the devastating pandemic. Intriguingly, despite the flexible approach of the government, the opposition still refuses to acknowledge government’s efforts. Steeped in a hatred, government is blamed for everything, “damned you do and damned if you don’t”. Given their approach, opposition perpetual accusation of political arrogance attributed to ruling dispensation suits them better.

Politics is integral to a thriving democracy with multi-party systems. But issues related to national security, health emergencies, natural disasters must be exempted from this ruthless politicking. Demonstrating their double standards, the opposition which is keen on apportioning the entire blame of the COVID pandemic on Modi despite health being a state subject refuses to appreciate him for the policy which they have been advocating.

 

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Modi Doctrine 2.0 creates an enabling framework for India’s resurgence

Prime Minister Modi’s seventh anniversary into power has been a low-key affair. Plagued by a treacherous Wuhan virus wave, the leadership has asked the Chief Ministers of BJP ruled states to announce Covid schemes for orphaned children commemorating the event.

Outshining his predecessors, Prime Minister Modi has leveraged India’s soft power to elevate India’s global stature. Riding on the twin horses of galvanising the Indian Diaspora and capitalising on India’s cultural and religious connect, Modi gave a new direction and vision to the India’s foreign policy. Exemplary outreach has been his forte. By stitching an extraordinary personal chemistry with the World leaders across the aisle, Modi diversified India’s engagement with comity of nations. As the Modi regime reaches the significant milestone of completing seven successful years, it is time to reflect on the hits and misses of the NDA-2 with a special focus on the foreign policy.

Foreign policy should be guided by national interests and PM Modi has unequivocally reinforced this aspect many a times. It is a doctrine which should be insular to political nit-pickings. But inadvertently, two pivotal domestic legislations- stripping of special status to Jammu and Kashmir and bestowing Indian citizenship to non-Muslims facing persecution threats has cast a shadow on India’s ties with immediate neighbours. Marshalling diplomatic resources just months into second term, Modi had successfully defended India’s uncompromising stance on these aspects.

In continuum to the approach of standing up to the hostility of Pakistan and China with the Balakot air strikes and Doklam stand-off, India refused to be cowed down by threats or cowered by the intimidated. Battling a threatening pandemic, India checkmated China’s stealthy intrusions. Donning an aggressive avatar, India repulsed China with the Galwan incident. Demolishing China’s make-believe frame of reference of India of 1962, India sent a stern message by occupying the strategic Kaliash ranges and deploying 50,000 troops through the harsh winter. Backing words with actions that boundary issue can’t be separated from bilateral relationship, India banned over 200 Chinese apps, stalled Chinese investment projects and disallowed Huawei from 5G trials.

Looking into the Dragon’s eye, with an unshaken resolve, India proved that it can be no longer be muscled out. As a defiant bulwark, India stratified its centrality to the Indo-Pacific region. Extending invite to Australia, India added fresh impetus to the Quad 2.0. A paradigm shift from Pakistan-centric strategic calculus to a pragmatic realisation of China as the formidable enemy has significantly changed India’s approach towards geopolitics.

Compelled by a crippling economic recession, Pakistan stepped the orbit of ‘geo-economics’ and in tune with this new development, prodded by the UAE, India and Pakistan agreed to observe ceasefire since March 2021. Predisposed to subterfuge and deceit, India’s hasn’t let down its guard. Though Kashmir valley is relatively peaceful, targeting killing of the mainstream politicians and attacks on Kashmiri pandits by Pakistan sponsored terrorists indicate that it is not over until it is over.

Adeptly defending the territorial borders, Modi government simultaneously invested energy and resources to buttress India’s maritime security and influence. Over the past seven years, India sealed military logistics agreement with Russia, Singapore and South Korea, LEMOA with the US, MLSA with France and Australia, ACSA with Japan, white water shipping pact with Israel. Deepening cooperation, India began 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue with the Quad members. India obtained access to Indonesia’s Sabang port and Duqm port in Oman. To spread Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA), India started India Information Fusion Centre (IIFC) for Indian Ocean Region building linkages with 18 countries and 15 multinational/ maritime centres. Modi proposed Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI) for safe, secure and stable maritime domain, which is in line with India’s vision for the region at the 14^th EAS (East Asia Summit).

India’s relationship with the Gulf countries have reached a zenith under Modi regime providing the much needed diplomatic capital and heft in the aftermath of abrogation of Article 370. Teeming strategic partnership, infrastructure investments, bilateral trade and energy collaboration further solidified these ties with the region. Modi doctrine managed the tight rope walk of maintaining friendly relationship with regional rivals- Iran, Saudi Arabia, Israel, Palestine at the same time.

Making up a decade of lethargy and indecision of UPA, Modi government prioritised relations with immediate neighbours. Unveiling the second term with an invite to BIMSTEC leaders, Modi bolstered sub-regional cooperation. Continuing the tradition of according highest priority to Bhutan made his first visit to Himalayan country. Later when the Pandemic struck the sub-continent, making SAARC countries, stakeholders in collective covid combat, India trained personnel, shared best practices, shipped medical supplies. Indeed, India's neighbours have been the major beneficiaries of India’s generous Vaccine Maitri. While nations looked inwards during the unprecedented health emergency, India rose to the occasion, supplied crucial medical supplies and actively engaged in health diplomacy during the early stages of the pandemic. Scaling up the domestic production of Hydroxychloroquine, India gifted it to over 50 countries. Weeks after rolling out domestic vaccination program, India exported and donated nearly 67 million vaccines to over 70 countries.

Hit by a devastating second wave of Wuhan virus, when India faced resource crunch, countries across the World mobilised financial assistance and shipped covid supplies. While critics questioned the prudence of Vaccine Maitri, as a token of reciprocity and spurred by the enormity of the Covid surge, an outpouring solidarity hit the India shores. Over 50 countries offered assistance in various forms to New Delhi. India gracefully accepted the foreign assistance as a part of “mutual assistance framework”.

Indeed, driven by the cardinal rule of nobody is safe until everybody is safe in the pandemic ravaged interconnected World, in absence of any leadership, India partnered with South Africa to stand up for the third World countries to realise the goal of Universal vaccination and proposed temporary patent waiver at WTO. Lobbied by Big Pharma, while Western countries opposed the waiver, Low- and Middle-Income countries (LMIC)s backed the proposal. Owing to India’s unrelenting pursuits, US lent support and even Members of European Parliament (MEP) approved the proposal while the European leaders are still reluctant.

Taking up global leadership mantle, India also initiated a Joint Political Declaration on Equitable Global Access to COVID-19 vaccines and garnered support of 180 UN members. In response to the global challenges, India initiated International Solar Alliance, Disaster Relief Infrastructure Coalition and proposed One World One Sun One Grid, which experts believe is an answer to China’s BRI (Belt and Road Initiative).

Unruffled by the encumbering Wuhan virus pandemic, Modi government swiftly transitioned to virtual diplomacy and seamlessly engaged in multilateral engagements- like invitation to G7 meetings, G 20 summit, SCO and BRICS. True to it defining attributes of strategic autonomy, India is actively forging bilateral ties with multiple partners. Having pulled out from RCEP, redoubling efforts to expand economic partnership, India signed an enhanced trade partnership agreement with the UK and laid out a 10 -year framework for Indo-UK ties through “Roadmap 2030”. Along way, India resumed trade negotiations over the Free Trade Agreement stalled in 2013 with the historic virtual Indo-EU summit that witnessed participation of 27 leaders of Europe and European Commission. Courting EU post Sino-EU faceoff, Modi has rightly posited India as a lucrative global market, an emerging economy and an investment destination.

By projecting India as an assertive power, capable of partaking leadership roles to address global challenges, Modi has attempted to change global perception of India. In contravention to popular portrayal of India as a diffident nation, by standing its ground in the face of hostilities from its formidable adversaries, India refused to be muscled out. This defiance has infused a new confidence in India’s resurgence as a responsible power. This primal change in global outlook has made it a coveted partner in strategic relationships.

But India’s gains on ground are rather ambivalent with countries in the sub-continent using the bilateral ties with India for domestic politicking. Slippage of Nepal and Sri Lanka into Beijing’s orbit with their uncanny ability to play India's card against China and viceversa mirror the inadequacies of Indian diplomacy. Straddling of Chinese troops across certain areas in Eastern Ladakh by forgoing tactical advantage during the stand-off has been frustrating.

The major part of Modi Doctrine 2.0, thus far, has been consumed in managing the pandemic, which reared its ugly head. Devastating second wave has undone the gains which India has accumulated during the earlier cycle. Creaky medical infrastructure and incompetency of the authorities further exacerbated the crisis which has weakened India’s economic recovery. Critics. lost no time in writing-off India’s growth story.

Amid the prediction of gloom, India’s global partnerships and engagements played a major role in tiding the domestic crisis. A global outpouring of help when India’s chips are down aside demolishing absurd claims of India is looking inward by critics exemplified New Delhi's pragmatic foreign policy.

Though there are several frontiers where India must invest diplomatic capital to nurture its aspirations, Modi’s foreign policy has been instrumental in creating an enabling framework for India’s resurgence.

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External Affairs Minister Jaishankar’s Crucial visit to the US

After India’s close proximity with Trump administration, critics conjectured if Modi government can pull off the same magic with President Biden. Over the years, Indo-US bilateral relations progressed irrespective of the leadership change at the White House. Defying the sceptics, without losing the focus, India swiftly reacted to Biden’s Presidentship and steered the strategic partnership trail.

Overcoming the initial hesitation, Biden administration, in a huge leap of faith bolstered the Indo-Pacific policy buttressed by President Trump and convened the first ever virtual summit of the Quad leaders. Building on this momentum within the first 100 days of Biden’s regime, Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin and Climate Envoy John Kerry visited India highlighting the key focus arenas of cooperation between the two countries.

Ravaging Wuhan virus posed a formidable hurdle for physical meetings. With situation on ground stabilising, to renew engagement, External Affairs Minister Jaishankar embarked on a five-day visit to America to touch on all the high-points of Indo-US Strategic cooperation. The visit which is the first visit at the highest echelons from India side after Joe Biden’s elections assumes great significance. Coming in the pandemic times, while health cooperation and vaccine diplomacy are the high points of the visit, America’s announcement of complete withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan also figured in the discussions pertaining to the security of the region.

Owing to America’s tardy response to India’s appeal for help with the export of vaccine raw material, curious doubts have been raised about the veracity of the partnership. But overcoming the initial dilly-dallying, America mobilised help and extended covid assistance to the tune of half a billion. The bipartisan ground swell of support for India has been remarkable.  Ahead of Jaishankar’s visit, House Foreign Affairs Committee unanimously passed a resolution by Congressman Bill Sherman and Steve Chabot, which had 33 co-sponsors and all four Indian American members that urged for private, in-kind medical supplies donations to India and assistance in the form of oxygen concentrators, critical medicines and raw materials for Covishield, vaccine production. This came shortly after America decided to donate 80 million vaccines on the basis of the need.

Taking the health cooperation to global level, US has backed the proposal by India and South Africa for TRIPS waiver at WTO, a major hurdle for large scale covid vaccine production. Health agenda even figured in the Quad summit, where leaders sought to expand global vaccination capacity to produce 1 billion doses at India’s Biological E with American and Japanese funds and Australian logistics.

With Indian government moving heaven and earth to mobilise Covid supplies and pledged to ensure to smooth supply of vaccines, cognizant of attempts by Pfizer and Moderna to enter Indian markets, EAM held wide ranging conversations with US Global Task Force on Pandemic Relief and US India Business Council (UIBC). The discussions focussed on strengthening critical supply chains and collaboration for production of vaccines and therapeutics. UIBC comprising of American CEOs drawn from diverse business sectors has been at the forefront of advancing India-US trade, investment and technology partnership.

America’s timely support in India’s Covid combat added an element of trust and reinforced good will in the strategic partnership. In sharp contrast, the bad press of America media has substantially undermined the genuine bipartisan support towards India. In his conversation with former NSA H R McMaster in Battlegrounds session titled, “India: Opportunities and Challenges for a Strategic Cooperation” EAM defended the government policies amid growing criticism of “Hindutva policies”.

In response to concerns of “Hindutva policies that could be undermining the secular nature of Indian democracy”, EAM clarified, “we define secularism as equal respect for all faiths. Secularism doesn’t mean that you are in denial of your own faith or anybody else’s faith.” Hinting that current government has departed from the vote bank politics, he cited the governance policies where free food is given to 800 million people during the first wave of the pandemic and money is directly transferred to 400 million people to the deserving without any discrimination.

Notwithstanding these governance policies, he added, the present government is judged “politically, harshly and it is often used to create a narrative”. “When you come down to real governance judgements, you find that there is a difference between the political imagery that has been concocted”. “Real politics (is) at play” and “I would certainly see that very much as part of political effort to depict our current government in a certain way”¹.

Stating that Indians are “extremely confident about our democracy” and nobody would trade democracy for any other form of governance, EAM eloquently underscored the plurality of the Indian society and apprised about the current trend of “deepening democracy, a much broader representation in politics and in leadership positions and in civil society of people who are much more confident about their culture, language and beliefs”.

Besides effectively articulating India’s stance pertaining to Indo-Pacific region, the need for a decentralised globalisation with different centres of production, global challenges like climate change, terrorism and pandemics which are not limited by any boundaries. He took an indirect dig at the mendacity of the disinformation propaganda purveyed by the Western media under the pandemic cover. Plummeting to new lows, the Western media resorted to a vulture journalism and made spectacle of India’s tragedy. Western media shapes international perception. With his straight talk and candid response, EAM debunked the false narrative and set things straight.

Strategizing the trajectory of Indo-US partnership, Jaishankar expounded- India and America have fundamental convergences- pluralistic societies, political democracies and market economies. Evincing India’s interest in deepening the partnership he proposed that countries must now translate “convergences into actionable policies”.

Aside, health cooperation, EAM who first landed in New York held a comprehensive meeting with UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres running for a second term. India extended support for Guterres candidature, discussed New Delhi’s priorities for its Presidency of UNSC in August, its commitments to Paris Accord and regional challenges in the neighbourhood.

Having set the ground and explicitly envisaging the expectations from this partnership through his conversation, Jaishankar, engaged with the higher echelon of the Biden administration.  Accelerated troop pullback from Afghanistan without unresolved issues has provoked major concerns in the region. Aside the power vacuum created by America’s withdrawal, Pakistan-Taliban tangle in the region and its spill over effects are bound to have direct effects on India.

Besides, last week meeting between NSA’s of Pakistan and America- Moeed Yusuf and Jake Sullivan at Geneva triggered a speculation of a US setting up a base at Shamsie in Balochistan or Jacobobad in Sindh and review of suspended security assistance. Talks of return to old relationship with Pakistan made rounds in the diplomatic circles. Further the reports of movement of lone air craft carrier USS Ronald Regan based in Yokosuka, Japan to Middle East to provide additional air support during the evacuation of troops² has fuelled alarm.

Amid these major geopolitical reconfigurations, Jaishankar exchanged views on a range of regional security challenges with Defense Secretary Llyod Austin and discussed opportunities for deepening cooperation. He conveyed his appreciation of the “US military role in responding to the covid situation”. The issues pertaining to common challenges in Indo-Pacific region, Free, open Indo-Pacific, pandemic cooperation, climate change, featured in Jaishankar’s meeting with NSA Jake Sullivan³.

Along with Covid, another C, China issue covertly crept into Jaishankar’s talks with the Director of National Intelligence, Avril Haines. US has been providing intelligence support to India and given China’s military activity despite the pandemic, this meeting is a signal to China of deepening Indo-US cooperation. Recognising the role of the bipartisan covid support to India, Jaishankar spoke to Chairman Foreign Affairs committee, Gregory Meeks and Ranking Member Mc Caul. Welcoming US’s positive stance of TRIPS waiver and support for efficient and robust supply chains Jaishankar reviewed Trade, technology and investment ties which are at the core of the Indo-US strategic with US Trade representative Catherine Tai.

In his much-awaited meeting with US secretary Anthony Blinken, Jaishankar thanked US for the support and solidarity at the height of the pandemic and focussed on expanding the Indo-US vaccine partnership aimed at expanding the access and ensuring the supply. Obligated to fulfil domestic vaccine needs, India has temporarily halted supplies to all countries. Capitalising on the rising vaccine demand, China is stepping up stings attached vaccine diplomacy in South Asia. Short on any choice, countries are embracing the questionable efficacy of Chinese vaccine. India is planning to partner with US to help these nations.

Both leaders discussed about Indo-Pacific cooperation, the Quad grouping, Afghanistan, Myanmar coup and Indo-China border issues⁴. Evidently, Indo-US partnership is currently three dimensional- bilateral, regional and global. Given vast expanse of cooperation, Indo-US partnership is bound to shape geopolitical contours. By expressing India’s continued commitment to contribute for global good in his interactions with officials and diplomats, Jaishankar has laid firm foundation for India’s engagement with Biden administration.

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