Hindu backlash against the Tanishq Ad marks their refusal to be lured by fantasies

Tanishq ad under the banner of Ekatvam with a focus in inter-faith marriages created quite a stir. Despite taking down the ad following severe backlash, the ad necessarily accomplished the purpose of enhancing its visibility during the economic slowdown. To this end, it has actualised its marketing goals. By overtly apologising respecting the sentiments of Hindus, it has garnered sufficient good will. But this necessarily doesn’t reflect its genuine empathy towards the Hindus. On the contrary, to contain the ferment of the negative sentiment, it has slowly pulled down the ad after gaining the bountiful airtime presence in the run up to the ensuing festival season.

While the utopia of Ekatvam, seeking benevolent paradigm of social harmony and peaceful living makes all the right noises. But the Ekatvam propaganda built on the foundations of falsehood and fantasy is bound to be repulsed. Aptly so, Hindus have overwhelmingly rejected the underpinnings of the narrative which is being stealthily mainstreamed.

Eternally playing victim card and iconising the victimhood narrative, for long the Muslims, as minorities have irreversibly tarnished the subtle fabric of trust that binds the communities together. Further, by supporting the selective outrage, inadvertently the community is steadily annihilating the residual genuine empathy existing in pluralistic Indian society. In cahoots with the entire ecosystem, media and elite collectively burdening the majority community to endlessly prove their innocence irrespective of the ground realities they are widening the communal fault lines.

Notwithstanding the centuries of humiliation and subjugation, the community whose civilisational identity has been trampled and lands encroached is labelled as “aggressors” purposefully. Aside the steady demonisation of Hindu identity, culture and value system, they were also tasked with safeguarding the canon of secularism.

While the insinuating attacks and calumny perpetrated by Minority community was given a benefit of doubt and condoned as act of freedom of expression. Any counter move by the majority is condemned with the audacious defenders of faith paying heavy price with their life.  While a mass protest often transmogrifying into riots by the minority community is often absolved with the onus of triggering the riots levelled against the majority community. Thus, even after the religion-based partition, over the past seven-decades, the majority community has remained the favourite whipping boy for all the communal dissensions. A semblance of fairness and probity evaporated into thin airs. Secularism became a one-way channel with no reciprocity.

The majority community which is slowly woken up to the vicious agenda is now finding itself at the receiving end. Unfettered appeasement, cultivation of vote banks and politicization of the faiths has only exacerbated these suspicions.

While even the highest legal authorities in India, dismissed “Love Jihad” the fulcrum of Ekatvam espoused by Tanishq, as figment of imagination, the phenomenon is experienced in every part of the globe. Reports of teenage Britons lured by the propaganda videos, escaping to Syria, resurfacing as ISIS widows and seeking asylum has become a rampant. Love Jihad had infact, ensnared our society to unimaginable extent. Infact, it is not the Hindu community which is raising its voice even Christians in Kerala have been seeking stern action against this malicious agenda.

Daylight lynching of 23-year aspiring photographer Ankit Saxena¹, close on heels the killing of 18 year-old Rahul Rajput over his love affair with a Muslim girl, murder of 24-year old Laxmipathy in Karnataka by girl’s father on the pretext of discussing marriage³, has laid the trap of Love Jihad thread bare. Numerous instances of Hindu girls being beheaded, duped and killed for resisting to convert the faith are blowing the façade of the interfaith marriages or relations into smithereens. Against this background, Tanishq has launched an advertisement promoting the very theme which is sending shivers down the spine. Though open-minded Muslims still do exist. But the ad in the context which is shoving the fanatasy down the throat of unsuspicious Indians is far removed from the ground reality which is proving to be more inimical. Hindu community is no longer ready to take this orchestrated vitiation lying down low.

Even as the Elite eulogise the communal harmony paradigm and revel in labelling others as radicals, their double-speak and hypocrisy is accentuating the tensions.

While Hindus have been churlish, to deem the Tanishq’s removal of advertisement as a victory, it is nothing but a marketing strategy. MNCs have experimented with this concept of inter-faith marriage earlier and following a backlash have retracked them to momentarily to assuage the sentiments. But the rebuke hasn’t deterred them from pushing this agenda surreptitiously through the mass media in uncanny ways. Instead of taking a backseat and relaxing at Tanishq’s retraction. It is time to generate more debate and create consciousness about the growing scourge of Love Jihad. Which is often dismissed as “Islamophobia”.

India is a pluralistic society and diversity has been its strength. To buttress the diversity and cement the inter-religious harmony an open-discussion is inevitable. Double-speak, subtle narrative setting and hypocrisy must be outrightly rejected to foster reciprocation. Calling a spade a spade must be the way to go!!!

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Turkey revives Neo-Ottoman Campaign with Armenia and Azerbaijan Conflict

 

Over a week ago, Armenia and Azerbaijan have declared marital law as clashes erupted across their borders. While still there is an ambiguity as who started the escalation, both sides have been accusing the other of massive provocation, there are no signs of abatement of hostilities. Yesterday, Azerbaijan claimed to have seized some villages, as per latest reports, Azerbaijan second largest city, Ganja is being shelled by Armenian forces ¹⁰.  Number of causalities are ticking. As of now, death toll stands at 220. Notwithstanding the appeals for peace by the US, Russia and France, the warring countries haven’t signalled any intention to pull back forces. These three countries are Co-chairs of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation’s, (OSCE) Minsk Group set up in 1992 to resolve this issue. Interestingly, a non-party to the whole issue, strongly backing Azerbaijan ruled out any scope of backing down until all the Armenia ends the occupation of Azerbaijani territories. At the heart of the current dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan has been Nagorno-Karabakh, a region which is legally an Azerbaijani territory.

Historical Details

Armenia and Azerbaijan erupted into a full-scale war in 1992-94 for Karabakh that killed 30,000 people and left a million displaced. Barely three decades later, the region is simmering with potential of lurching into a full-blown war. Karabakh is a vestige of an historical error/conspiracy. When the Transcausian region was incorporated into the Soviet Union in 1920-21 the borders of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia weren’t drawn. On December 2^nd, 1920 heading the Revolutionary Committee of Soviet Union, Stalin, as Commissar of Nationalities, transferred the regions of Nagorno-Karabakh, Zangezur, and Nakhichevan to Armenia. But four months later, signing a treaty with Turkey, Soviet Union transferred the control of Nakhichevan and Nagorno to Azerbaijan. While Nakhichevan attained the status of Autonomous Republic in 1924, Nagorno with 95% of ethnic Armenians was conferred the status of Autonomous Oblast.

Stalin’s U-turn was part of larger plan to weaken Caucasian resistance and strengthen Soviet control over the region.  Armenians are known to be fiercely nationalistic while Azeris welcomed communist ideology. Giving teeth to the concept of Divide and Rule, he deliberately weakened Armenia by giving away the region inhabited by the ethnic Armenians to Azerbaijan and similarly, he blunted Azeris by making Nakhichevan an autonomous republic.  In the process, he pandered to Ataturk who harboured a hostile approach towards Armenia which opposed Sevres Treaty and favoured the creation of Kurdistan on the Turkish territory. Armenia laid claims to eastern Turkish region. Even now nationalist parties like the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF), Heritage and ASALA advocate the concept of Greater Armenia which include parts of eastern Turkey, Nagarno-Karabakh, Nakhichevan and Javakheti region of Georgia.

Despite strong protests from Armenia, the mountainous region of Nagorno was handed over to Azerbaijan. On July 7^th, 1923, Nagarno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO) with new capital named after Armenian Bolshveik, Stepanakert was established.

Armenians known for their nationalistic penchant always waited for an opportunity to reverse Soviet’s decision. In 1987 when President Gorbachev introduced Glasnost, allowing greater openness in political system of Soviet Union, Armenians revived the reunification movement. Sporadic protests leading to waves of refugee exodus into Baku triggered violent riots in Karabakh and deepened hostilities between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

In December, 1988 Supreme Soviet of Armenia passed a resolution incorporating NKOA into Republic of Armenia, endorsing the move, NKOA’s Soviet voted for secession from Azerbaijan. Expectedly, Supreme Soviet of Azerbaijan rejected the decision. Azeri refugees from Armenia started a pogram against Armenians at Baku escalating tensions. For long, Soviet Army refused to intervene and allowed the tensions to intensify. Even the World leaders chose to ignore the brewing clashes at their own peril. On September 2^nd, 1989, Karabakh Soviet renamed as Karabakh National Council proclaimed independence. Armenian militants not only established control over the entire Oblast, but occupy surrounding Azeri villages. In response, Azerbaijan revoked autonomous status of Karabakh and demoted it to a normal region of Azerbaijan Republic. By this time, Armenian militants backed by Republic of Armenia gained control over 20% Azerbaijan Republic^4. Ending prolonged hostilities, Russian mediated ceasefire agreement in 1994 which is in place till now. Rooted in principle of self-determination and safeguarding territorial integrity respectively, Armenia and Azerbaijan are defending petulant hostilities.

Recent Clashes

Despite the Russian ceasefire, the tensions between the two sovereign countries refused to die down. In 2016, two countries sparred leading to death of 40 troops from both countries and three hundred casualties⁵. After four days of fighting both countries agreed on a ceasefire. In October 2017, Presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan met in Geneva, under the auspices of OSCE. But the meeting failed to yield any concrete results ⁶.

In July 2020, fighting intensified with countries blaming either side for starting the fight. In all, 16 people including an Azerbaijani General were killed⁷. In the aftermath of July fighting, Azerbaijan parliament approved purchase of BayrakhtaTB2 armed combat drones from Turkey^3.  

While clashes across the borders aren’t new, the latest round of escalations are showing no signs of receding causing new concerns among the comity of nations with countries openly siding and reportedly deploying fighters/mercenaries to the region. 

France with third largest population of 600,000 Armenians after Russia and the US raised concerns over the presence of Syrian mercenaries in Nagorno-Karabakh. Similarly, Russia has raised the issue of Turkey sending Syrian and Libyan fighters to the disputed region. While Azeri President Ilham Aliyev and Turkey denied these charges, media agencies are rolling out interview of the fighters dispatched by Turkey ^1. The presence of Syrian fighters mostly former ISIS cadres in Armenia, with whom Turkey has close ties, is fuelling fresh fears of injection of non-existent Jihadi element into the conflict. Having herded thousands of Syrian mercenaries to Libya who turned the tide in favour of Ankara, Turkey is reportedly replicating a similar template in Azerbaijan.

Turkey is already involved in a power struggle with Russia in Libya and Syria and with Karabakh clash, Turkey has opened a third front. Turkey is highly reliant on energy imports and Azerbaijan is the home for pipelines and the thriving oil industry which is the economic backbone of the country. It is principal supplier of oil and natural gas to Turkey, Russia, Georgia, Greece, Bulgaria. The Trans-Caspian gas pipeline, Trans-Anatolian Gas pipeline, South Caucasus pipeline, BTC Pipelines pass through Azerbaijan.

Turkey’s unconditional solidarity to Azerbaijan rooted in past also factors in various aspects like the geographical location of Azerbaijan which is conducive for a pincer attack on Armenia and strategic oil reserves of Baku. An expansionist Turkey under the ruse of defending Azeri territory is seeking to station troops in Azeri territory and intends to control oil supplies to Europe on long term.

Azeris who are of Oghuz-Turkic origin and practice Twelver Shiism have strong ethnic and linguistic ties with Turkey and religious links with Iran. Incidentally, Turkish leadership always supported Azerbaijan and openly defended its position to teach a lesson to Armenia. Though Ankara reluctantly removed embargoes on Armenia under American pressure post the 1992-94 war, they remained friendly to Azeris and lobbied internationally for them.

For the fear of endangering its oil dependence on Russia, Turkey in 1990s refrained from openly siding with Azerbaijan. With the completion of Trans-Anatolian pipe in 2019, Baku has stepped up oil exports to Turkey. With Turkey’s energy dependence on Russia easing, it is taking Russia head on. Determined to expand its geography and influential rise, Turkey under Erdogan is defying and standing up to America and Europe as well.

Bolstering Turkic Council, Ankara is now projecting itself as the regional leader of Middle East, North Africa, partly for Balkans and Caucasus. In 2018, Turkey, Azerbaijan and Georgia signed a MoU for actively promoting areas for protection of energy infrastructure facilities. Close on the heels of border flare-up with Armenia, Turkey and Azerbaijan held two week long military drills under the established Agreement on Strategic Partnership and Mutual Support (ASPMS). Reports now indicate that Turkey has left some of its F-16s and crew and combat-tested strike drones on Azeri territory ⁸. Turkey has even transferred accumulated experience in the use of drones, air defense systems and multiple-launch rocket systems (MLRS) to Azerbaijan. Indeed, these technologies conferred massive advantage to Azerbaijan in the “four-day war” against Armenia in 2016 ¹¹. Strengthening strategic alliance and bilateral partnership, Azeri President Heydar Aliev laid out, “One Nation-two states” principle.

For all its commonalities of religion, neighbouring Iran should side with Azerbaijan. But Azerbaijan has close defence ties with arch-enemy Israel and procured Kamikaze drones. 60% of Azerbaijan arms comes from Israel, while Baku accounts for significant amounts of oil supplies to Israel. Iranian population has 10-20% of well-integrated Azeri population. Cognizant of the impact of a strong and effluent Azerbaijan in foment Azeri nationalism and consequent threat to its regime, Iran developed close links with Armenia.

Amid deepening political and military cooperation between Turkey and Azerbaijan, Armenia held military drills with Russia in the wake of the July fighting and intensified diplomatic contacts with Cyprus, Egypt, and Greece. Armenia hosts 102^nd military base of Russia which accounts for 26% of trade.

Armenia which still carries the dark memories of 20^th century genocide perpetrated by the last stages of Ottoman Empire in 1915-23 is now taking serious objections to Turkey’s direct involvement in the whole conflict and the military attacks against Republic of Artsakh^9.

Indeed, Turkey’s burgeoning belligerence has a major cause of concern for the peace and stability of the region. Following Turkey’s intransigent approach in East Mediterranean Sea, threats to invade Cyprus, military support to the Radical Islamist Libyan government (GNA), Turkey’s support to Qatar after the Saudi imposed blockade and direct involvement in Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Riyadh municipality removed a sign bearing Ottoman Sultan, Solomon Magnificent and banned all Turkish imports from 1^st October ². Turkey’s intervention in Syria, Libya and military presence in Qatar has spooked the Arab World. Turkey in the recent past has rubbed the Arab World the wrong way.

Turkey strongly supported Muslim Brotherhood’s Mohammed Morsi against Saudi and UAE. Since then Saudi Arabia began disowning its Ottoman past and began rewriting the school history books. In 2018, Mohammed bin Salman called Turkey a part of “the triangle of evil” along with Iran and the Muslim Brotherhood.

President Erdogan’s ambitions to challenge the supremacy of the Sauds hasn’t gone well with the Saudi Kingdom and the rifts in the Islamic leadership have been quite conspicuous in the recent past. Turkey’s brinkmanship driven by an agenda to establish a Neo-Ottoman Empire is now taking a toll on the regional peace. Emboldened by a dominance in the regional conflicts, Turkey is seeking to replicate similar template in its immediate neighbourhood.

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Pakistan’s nefarious designs to usurp Indian territory of Gilgit-Baltistan Part-3

Political Status of Occupied Regions

In 1952 Joint Secretary of MKA became resident of these areas. Another such post was added in 1967. One each for Gilgit and Baltistan. MKA held all powers of administration and made all appointments. No elections were held from 1947 to 1960. For the first time a legislation was passed in 1970 to elect representatives to legislative assembly and President in Azad Kashmir (AK).

Until the promulgation of new constitution of AK, in 1974, the Karachi Agreement which lapsed in 1970 served as the roadmap for the relations between Pakistan and occupied territories. AK’s High Court ruling to hand over the administration of Northern Areas to Azad Kashmir, but Pakistan government refused.

Prime Minister Gen Zia-ul-Haq, on his visit to Gilgit brought about legal and structural changes under ‘Northern Areas Legal Framework order 1974-75’ and brought the region under the Pakistan Penal Code.  President Yahya Khan converted, ‘Northern Areas Advisory Council’ into ‘Northern Areas Council’ (NAC) with 14 members. Against precedent of having the elected members, Islamabad nominated persons serving the council. The region had neither a High Court nor a Supreme Court bench. A Judicial Commission with single judge functioned in the region. People from Northern Areas were not allowed to approach courts in Pakistan or Azad Kashmir. MKA appointed the judge. The region was never represented in either Pakistan Parliament or Azad Kashmir.

After Zia-ul-Haq’s coup and imposition of Martial Law E-Zone, he asserted that Gilgit, Hunza and Skardu are integral parts of Pakistan. Soon, Azad Kashmir Legislative Assembly adopted a resolution in 1982, affirming that Gilgit Baltistan is an integral part of Jammu &Kashmir and it should be with Azad Kashmir ¹¹.

AK’s Supreme Court in 1993 ruled that Northern Areas are legally part of Jammu & Kashmir and hence they must be handed over to them. Though these areas are leased to British, the agreement became defunct after they left. Legally AK has every right to reclaim them. But after decades of separation, the potential threat of sectarian clashes, the inaccessibility of Northern Areas deterred AK to strongly pursue the case. To overcome these legalities, Pakistan came up with several devious ideas. But none of them ever espoused any concern towards the region, the people, or their welfare. Pakistan’s rule which reeked of oppression and discrimination denied the people even the barest minimum fundamental rights leave alone any judicial recourse.

Benazir Bhutto passed Northern Areas governance order 1994 to set up local regional council to bring some semblance of governance. But Pakistan’s bureaucrats continued to rule the region. The Chief Executive mostly a Punjabi retained the absolute power over the governance of Gilgit. He nominated a Deputy Chief Executive from among the members of NAC. MKANA had the power to advise, formulate and devise budget for Gilgit. In 1999, NAC was expanded and renamed as the Northern Areas Legislative Council (NLAC).

Pakistan’s Supreme Court deplored; the denial of fundamental rights guaranteed under constitution to Northern Areas ¹⁴.  Despite SC’s ruling Pakistan government demonstrated no intent to address this issue. In 2000 the post of Speaker and Deputy Speaker in 2002 were created. During the first tenure spanning 1999 to 2004, NLAC passed 18 legislations but none of them were ever executed. NLAC remained as a namesake body.

President Musharraf renamed the 1994 order which is based on Colonial laws as Legal Framework Order 2007 and introduced new amendments. Amid growing international pressure of lack of political rights, President Asif Zardari approved the ordinance- Gilgit-Baltistan Empowerment and Self Governance Order 2009.

Making complete U-turn of Zia-ul-Haq’s assertions, the ordinance claims to grant Northern Areas self-rule like Azad Kashmir. “They will have province like autonomy but will not constitutionally be a province”. Pro-Pakistanis in Gilgit were highly disappointed with this outcome. Prime Minister Gilani explained- “since Gilgit-Baltistan is not a constitutional part of the country and is linked with Kashmir issue, we cannot give representation to them in the Parliament”. This essentially blew away the façade of self-governance granted to Northern Areas. Essentially this ordinance has been an attempt to tighten its control over the region by Pakistan ¹³.

Gilgit region is strategically important to Pakistan and cornerstone of the ambitious CPEC project. Sino-Pakistan strategic partnership is hinged on the stability and accessibility to this region. Bestowed with vast reserves of natural resources, Gilgit provides connectivity to the Central Asian markets as well. Hence Pakistan denied genuine autonomy to the people of Gilgit.

In the wake of Imran Khan government’s renewed attempts to make Gilgit region the fifth province, Khan must be reminded of Gilani’s statement. The 2009 order renamed the region as Gilgit-Baltistan fulfilling the longstanding demand. It made provisions for local administration led by Chief Minister to be elected by the Gilgit-Baltistan Legislative Assembly (GBLA). GBLA would head a council of six ministers and two advisors. GBLA comprising of 24 directly elected members would choose six women members and three technocrats. A consolidated fund was created, and financial autonomy was granted to GBLA as per the new order. An appellate court with a chief justice and two judges and provision for extending them to five was established. Provisions are made for a separate public commission, chief election commission and an Auditor general.

In all there are 14 registered political parties in GB. In the first elections in 2009, Pakistan’s Peoples Party (PPP) won 14 out of 24 seats. Other dominant parties are Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI-GB), Pakistan Muslim League Qaid-e-Azam-GN (PMLQ-GB), Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz GB (PMLN-GB) and Karachi based Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM). In 2015 elections, PMLN won 15 seats and elected Hafeezur Rahman as Chief Minister. With ban on political activities under the FCR still in place all the Pakistan-based participated in the sham elections and demonstrated the restoration of people’s representation. Indigenous parties weren’t allowed to emerge. Before the 2015 elections, PMLN has appointed a party loyalist as the governor of GB who has been complicit of rigging elections in favour of PMLN.

Attempts were made by locals to form political parties as early as 1951, with the imposition of Martial Law they were forced to disband. With the region disparately split along the sectarian lines, obtaining full support of locals has been difficult. So local political parties eventually merged with Pakistan based parties ²². Of late there has been spurt in political activity, conglomerates from various movements are doubling up as political activities. Leaving no stone unturned to strangulate independent voices, leaders/ supporters of these political parties are slapped with sedition charges. Fearing witch-hunt by Pakistan popular political parties exiled to European countries.

Abdul Hameed Khan, Chairman of Balawaristan National Front (BNF) who advocated creation of independent Balawaristan (Northern Areas) exiled to Belgium in 1990s. As a representative of GB, he spoke of Pakistani oppression, discrimination and the devious dam construction plans with China across the region at various international forums. After being nabbed by Pakistani intelligence agencies under the ‘Operation Pursuit’, returned to Gilgit, abandoned the Balawaristan cause and parroting the popular lines of receiving funds from R&AW agencies of India to foment unrest ²³.

With this Pakistan has placed required institutional framework in place to slowly elevate this region as the fifth province. Unlike the Azad Kashmir which had President and Prime Minister, GB had the provincial kind of system in place, with chief minister as the administrative head. In line with its larger diabolical plan, Chief minister has very limited powers with real power vested with Governor of GB. Governor is appointed by the President of Pakistan on the advice of Prime Minister. Similarly, despite the existence of elected GBLA, real authority rests with GB council headed by Chairman, who is Prime Minister of Pakistan. The members of Council are appointed by Pakistani government. All the important appointments to the various functioning bodies are made by Chairman of Council (Prime Minister of Pakistan). The so called the elected GBLA is entirely controlled by Pakistan. Though the number of areas they can enact laws has increased to 61, powers to legislate lies with the council.

Pakistan has propped up a toothless institutional framework in GB to pander to international observers and human rights institutions. Pakistan holds the reigns of the region and hence all the tall claims of granting autonomy is a sham. Enacting laws for a region which is not part of its constitution holds no legal validity. Above all, it has introduced a clause in the Self-Autonomy order stating that laws that contradicts Sunnah and Quran are null and void. Shias and Sunnis have different perceptions about what constitutes Sunnah. This order has invariably opened flood gates for sectarian strife’s.

Sectarian Clashes

Sunni-Shia conflict has become are recurring feature since 1970. The regions dominated by Sunni’s turned out to be inimical for Shias. Karakoram region dominated by Wahhabis remained and continues to remain a no-go zone for Shias. Buses passing through the region are scanned for Shias.They are looted and mercilessly killed ¹².

Sunni-Deobandi sects like Sipah-e-Sahaba which proliferated under Zia’s patronage spread tentacles in the remote tribal areas of Gilgit. These groups targeted Shias and Ismailis. They unleased first wave of sectarian violence in May 1988 by burning crops, houses, and lynching people to death. Whenever people demanded legitimate rights, sectarian riots were engineered. The intention is to keep people busy in sectarian clashes to prevent them from demanding political and administrative rights.

Soon, this became a regular affair. Sunnis supported by Pakistan and Saudi Arabia clashed with Shias armed by Iran. On the eve of Zia’s death in 1993, the support of external agencies during sectarian clashes became more conspicuous. Attacks on Shias in Sunni dominated regions and vice-versa became more common.

For centuries people of different sects led peaceful and harmonious life in Northern Areas. To preserve unique identity of the region, Dogra rulers introduced, “State Subject Rule” whereby outsiders are barred from seeking permanent residency or naturalisation. Pakistan revoked this law opening the flood gates for the entry of the people from different parts of Pakistan. While this law is still intact in Azad Kashmir, the demography of Gilgit-Baltistan went for a toss. Pakistan used every trick in the book to disturb the harmony of the region. Having perfected the strategy of using the minority as accomplices to deprive the rights of the majority, Islamabad used minority Sunni Muslims of the region to stoke sectarian clashes. To counter the growing radical Sunni Islamists, the locals who practised Buddhism and Islam which is now distinct from Pakistan are turning to Iran for help. This divide and threat from extremism has greatly impacted the unique ethno-centricity of the region. In a desperate bid to protect their linguistic diversity, people in Baltistan are now establishing ties with Tibetans and Ladakhis. Baltistan has been part of Wazarat of Ladakh. 

Pakistan’s high-handed tactics and governance through non-local bureaucrats akin to colonists have in the past deepened hostilities with East Pakistan in the initial few decades of partition. This angst, denial of the locals’ access to administration has sowed seeds of alienation and eventual secession as in case of Bangladesh. Islamabad has a similar strategy for Balochistan and GB who are at the receiving end of Pakistani oppression. Pakistan has refused to learn from past.

Currently, the locals of GB are not employed even for maintenance of law and order. The local Shias are not trusted. Gilgit Scouts renamed as Northern Light Infantry (NLI) dominated by locals played significant role in Kargil War and earned two gallantry medals. Now the numbers of locals in combat forces are coming down. To defend the frontiers, Pakistan is now deploying Rangers from Sindh, Punjab, or Frontier Constabulary from Khyber Pakhtuntwa to manage law and order situation in GB.

Burgeoning Islamization in connivance with state agencies has accentuated deep sectarian divide in the region. GB is infested with terrorist organisations and State has never demonstrated any will to rein on them. Even after 73 years, the region is deprived of the basic infrastructure, education, and health facilities. Pakistan has never evinced any interest to develop this region. As per colonial Schedule IV and Anti-Terrorism act, voices of dissent are suppressed. Free and fair elections are still far from reality. Any opposition to the state is meted with illegal detentions, enforced disappearances and kidnapping.

At the 45^th session of UNHRC, PoK activist, Sajjad Raza said, “The PoK election Act 2020 has taken away all our constitutional, civil and political rights. Our activities opposing accession to Pakistan have been declared as anti-state in flagrant violation of United Nations Resolution” ²⁰. GB has been an integral part of India and the Sino-Pak collusivity is altering this inviolable truth. Time to be armed with facts, to nip the nefarious Sino-Pak designs of usurping a legal Indian territory.

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Pakistan’s nefarious designs to usurp Indian territory of Gilgit-Baltistan Part 2

Baltistan

Baltistan referred as Little Tibet, witnessed spread of Buddhism under Kushans. It was part of Laliaditya’s empire in 8^th century. Around 15^th century a Muslim Missionary, Mir Shamsuddin Iraqi has spread Islam in this region ³.

Akbar sent forces which captured Kashmir in 1586 and acquired parts of Baltistan and Ladakh as part of marriage alliance with Ladakh princess. Baltis briefly regained control but Shahjahan later captured Ladakh, Baltistan, Kishtawar and made them part of Kashmir Province. Under the Mughal suzerainty, this region developed close contacts with Delhi and other regions of Jammu and Kashmir. Following the decline of Mughal Empire, Afghan governor of Kashmir conquered this region leading to six decades of oppressive rule. With the rise of Sikh Empire, Birbal Dhar, representative of people from Kashmir requested Maharaja Ranjit Singh to invade Kashmir and even offered to pay the expenses ⁴. Sikhs defeated Afghans but their rule was confined to Kashmir and Jammu was given away as a jagir to Raja Gulab Singh in 1820. By 1836 with permission of Ranjit Singh, Gulab Singh invaded and captured Ladakh. In 1840 Gulab Singh’s General Zorawar Singh conquered Baltistan and installed a puppet ruler Mohammed Shah as Baltistan ruler.  In 1842, Colonel Nathu Shah of Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s Kashmir Governor captures Gilgit region ⁵. Baltistan became part of Ladakh province of Jammu Maharaja’s Kingdom much before Kashmir and Gilgit Agency.

Treaty of Amritsar

In 1846 after Sikhs were defeated by Britishers, they signed the Treaty of Lahore. According to the treaty, Sikhs were forced to cede all the regions between Beas and Sutlej and pay Rs I crore indemnity. Sikhs offered all hill territories including Jammu and Kashmir as indemnity. British then proposed to make Dogra King of Jammu the independent ruler of Jammu and Kashmir if he pays Rs 75 lakhs. Britishers retained regions between Ravi and Beas including Kangra.

Paying an indemnity of Rs 75 lakhs to British, as per 1846 Treaty of Amritsar, new state of Jammu and Kashmir was created and Maharaja Gulab Singh became absolute ruler of full-fledged sovereign of the regions of Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh, Gilgit, Chilas and Baltistan, the last three together assumed the name of Norther Areas ². But after the 1857 mutiny due to Russia’s growing presence, British persuaded Maharaja to bring Chitral and Yasin under his control. Chitral rulers accepted the suzerainty of Dogra rulers and began paying tribute every third year. In 1877, the Gilgit Agency was constituted with Major John Biddulph as political agent. The agent was withdrawn in 1881 but re-established in 1889 due to increasing Afghan activities.

British clearly understood the strategic importance of Gilgit region, and E.F. Knight’s words rightly captures the intent- “The value of Gilgit to Kashmir state, commanding as it does to the Indus Valley and mouth of Hunza River and holding in check the unruly tribes on either side is obvious enough”; Lord Curzon called, Gilgit as, “it is one of the Northern Gates, through which would-be invader must advance, if he advance at all”. Given the strategic importance of all these frontier states, British used to accord rulers of these region special status. In 1913 Gilgit Scouts was formed to take internal and external security of Gilgit region.

Lease of Gilgit

After the 1917 Russian Revolution, anxious of Russian moves, Maharaja Hari Singh leased out Gilgit Baltistan to British for a period of 60 years as per agreement signed on March 26^th, 1935. This gave the right of civil and military administration of the region beyond the right bank of the Indus river to British viceroy. Though this region was under the control of Maharaja, they were administered by the British from 1935 to 1947. The region left of Gilgit region, Dardistan and Baltistan home for the Balti people was under direct control of Maharaja.

British had always set their eyes on Kashmir and enamoured by its magnificent beauty and E.F. Knight opined, “The climate of this paradise of Asia appears to be well adapted to the European Constitution” and regretted the sale of Kashmir to Maharaja ^10. Britishers believed that the sophisticated finery of Kashmir like the shawls, pottery would have been ten times more lucrative than rest of India. Hence, they would always interfere in the affairs of Kashmir under the pretext of Maharaja inflicting hardships on people. Violating the Treaty of Amritsar, Britishers, appointed a political agent, levelling charges of tyranny and misrule against Maharaja Pratap Singh and deposed him.  Given the strategic importance of the region, the British started undermining the independence of Maharaja. Much against wishes of Maharaja Pratap Singh, appointed Maharaja Hari Singh, the son of Raja Amar as his successor. Hari Singh asserted his control up to Gilgit and refused to approve imperial ambitions. It is important to note that Wazarat of Gilgit which comprises of Tehsil of Gilgit, Astor and Niabat of Bunji was under the direct control of Kashmir Darbar and the officer was called Wazir-i-Wazarat.

Fall of Gilgit

British terminated the 60 years of the Gilgit lease agreement. As a result, the entire Wazarat of Gilgit and Gilgit Agency was restored under the control of Maharaja. Britishers began preparations to handover control of Gilgit agency to Maharaja by August 1^st, 1947 ahead of independence. Brigadier Ghansara Singh, who is appointed as governor of Gilgit Agency along with Lt Col Beacon arrived in Gilgit to discuss the smooth transition with, Gilgit Scouts headed by Major Brown and Subedar Major Babar Khan and other JCOs (Junior Commissioned Officers). But the Gilgit scouts and military junta wanted the new governor to meet their demands to continue in service. Governor Ghansara Singh accompanied by Chief of Staff Gen Scott made assurances. Singh took over as governor on August 1^st. But the civil administration came to grinding halt with British officers opting for Pakistan and refused replacements ⁶. All the stores controlled by them ran dry.

Repeated requests of help to Maharaja were somehow went unanswered. After independence, Maharaja failed to make any attempts to consolidate his hold over entire region. In the meanwhile, one company of 5^th Kashmir Light Infantry commanded by Durga Singh located at Bunji, 34 miles from Gilgit was replaced by 6^th Infantry composed of Sikhs and Muslims. Muslim officers of 6^th Infantry slowly established ties with Gilgit Scouts and JCOs and influenced them favour Pakistan rule.

When Pakistan backed tribes invaded J & K, Maharaja Hari Singh, acceded the entire state of J&K in return for military help from India. In the intervening period, rumour flew thick and high that Pakistan occupied Srinagar. Muslim troops surrounded Governor Ghansara Singh’s house on October 31^st and forced him to surrender. To ensure safety of non-Muslims, governor surrendered. After his arrest, a provisional government headed by Rais Khan set up “Peoples Republic of Gilgit and Baltistan”³. Muslim troops killed the Sikh troops of the 6^th Infantry. Major Brown of Gilgit Scouts hoisted Pakistan’s flag on November 4^th, 1947. Soon rulers of Hunza and Nagar joined Pakistan. After annexation, Pakistan’s agent Shah Mohammed Alam reaches Gilgit on 16^th November 1947.

Charade of Rebellion

While British complicity has really made it a smooth sail for Pakistan. It would be naïve to believe that the rebellion was indigenous the way Pakistan wishes to portray. On the contrary, the officers in-charge were pro-Pakistan. Major Brown, Lt Hyder Khan and Babar Khan singularly changed the rules of the game. In recognition of his complicity, Pakistan bequeathed the honour of “Star of Pakistan” on Major Brown posthumously. To set record straight, some reports indicate that Brown during the initial days arrested the rebellion, saved lives of non-Muslims, and would apprise Governor of everyday situation. But subsequently he helped Pakistan in establishing control over the region.

Pakistan’s concocted idea of the rebellion against Maharaja by the people in the region stands no ground. Given the strategic importance of the region, British fostered seeds of separation under the pretext of safeguarding it. The charade of rebellion of people against Maharaja is false.  Except for the Mirs of Hunza and Nagar, Raja of Punial, Cheftains of Koh Gizar, Yasin and Askoman and their subordinates, overwhelmingly welcomed the takeover of Gilgit agency by Ghansara Singh. Raja of Punial along with his bodyguards came forward to defend Brigadier Ghansara Singh. Unfortunately, 75% of Gilgit Baltistan Scouts belonged to Nagar and Hunza and the Subedar Major Babar Khan who is next in rank to Commanding officer was close relative of the Mirs of Hunza and Nagar. This proved disastrous for the governor. The Sikhs in the 6^th Infantry were mostly new recruits with barely any experience.

While the locals were hardly affected by the communal flareup in Punjab, the Muslims of the 6^th Infantry treacherously killed their Sikh counterparts. In connivance with Gilgit Scouts, Muslim soldiers laid down trap, hunted and massacred Sikhs of the same contingent. Ghansara Singh was aware of the deep muck he was wading through. But his requests for help or assistance couldn’t reach Maharaja since the telegraph office at Gilgit was managed by a Muslim and the wireless station was controlled by Peshawar Radio Station ⁹.

After capturing Gilgit, forces led by the Captain Ihsan Ali with 6^th infantry invaded Baltistan. The State forces headed by Col Sherjung Thapa resisted the Pakistani rebels who tried to infiltrate through the Zojila pass, Kargil and Drass. Indian forces joined Thapa but owing to the operational constraints of flying at heights of over 4500mts, Royal Indian Airforce could barely offer any assistance through air dropping⁷. The scale tilted in favour of Pakistan. State forces led by Thapa fought valiantly for eight months and surrendered on 14^th August 1948. While India managed to regain Kargil, Pakistan took over Baltistan and surrounding regions ⁸. Instructively, the occupied region of Gilgit- Baltistan which is an integral part of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir doesn’t find a place in Pakistan’s constitution.

In August 1948, the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) called for withdrawal of Pakistan’s regular and irregular forces from occupied regions of J&K. In March 1949, Pakistan created the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs.

Karachi Agreement

On April 28^th, 1949, MA Gurmani, Minister without Portfolio of Pakistan Government, the President of Azad Kashmir, as successor of Jammu &Kashmir State, Sardar Mohammed Ibrahim Khan of Muslim Conference signed Karachi Agreement. Accordingly, all important issues like negotiations with the UN, defence and foreign relations rested with Pakistan. Gilgit-Baltistan had no representation. This agreement formally established Pakistan’s control over these occupied regions referred to as “Northern Areas”. These Northern Areas were the former Gilgit Agency comprising of Wazarat of Gilgit, Astor Wazart and Skardu Tehsil of Ladakh Wazarat.

Soon Pakistan separated the administration of Azad Kashmir and Gilgit Baltistan and ruled Gilgit region as per the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) laws instituted by the British. Under the FCR, tribes of the region as considered barbaric, uncouth, and collective fines and punishments were levied. While political activities aren’t permitted in Gilgit-Baltistan, Azad Kashmir was not allowed to extend its political activities beyond the region. Beneath the façade of the Azad tag, the Azad Kashmir was no better than a colony. The Muslim Conference controlled the Azad Kashmir. Pakistan chose to administer these regions separately since Azad Kashmir is Sunni majority and Gilgit-Baltistan is a Shia majority region.

Invoking Muslim brotherhood, while Pakistan prevailed on Muslims, the dominant population in the region to liberate Gilgit from Dogras rulers, after annexation Islamabad treated them with utter contempt and disdain. They curtailed political and social rights of this region. By 1950 Ministry of Kashmir Affairs (MKA) took control of the Northern Areas. In 1974 it was renamed as Ministry of Northern Areas (MKANA)

Sino-Pakistan Frontier Border Agreement

After Pakistan occupied Gilgit and adjacent regions, Chinese made first military incursions in 1953. In the past Chinese claimed to not having any administrative control in Hunza and that a border line existed. By 1959 they produced a map containing 6000sq miles of Hunza and Gilgit as Chinese. While Pakistan sparred with India for settlement, they quietly ceded over 5,700 sqkm of regions in Hunza and Nagar to China as a part of Sino-Pakistan Frontier Border Agreement in 1963. The rulers of Hunza and Nagar defected the Dogras, backstabbed the Maharaja Hari Singh to be part of Pakistan. India’s vociferously protests the agreement and sent notes on May 10^th 1962, stating-“The government of India solemnly warns the government of China that any change, provisional or otherwise in the status of the state of Jammu &Kashmir brought about by third parties which seek to submit certain parts of India territory to foreign jurisdiction will not be binding on government of India and that the government of India firmly repudiate any agreement provisional or otherwise regarding her territories arrived at between third parties who have no legal or constitutional locus standi of any kind”. It added, “It is clear that the government of China in this matter acting in furtherance of their aggressive designs and are seeking to exploit the troubled situation in Kashmir and India's differences with Pakistan for their advantage. The government of India will hold the government of China responsible for the consequences of their actions”²¹.

Pakistan always adopted a dual stand towards Northern Areas, on several occasions Islamabad acknowledged them to be part of Jammu &Kashmir. At times, to suit its narrative, it would say that Northern Areas are part of Pakistan since they rebelled against Maharaja and joined Islamabad. Since 1970s Pakistan made plans to make Gilgit-Baltistan as its fifth province. But objection from Azad Kashmir, pending consent from all the provinces, its double stand on Northern Areas, admission of India’s first right over these territories and finally the resistance by the people of Northern Areas to remain a separate entity presented formidable hurdles to its plan. But nevertheless, Pakistan continued to push its plans.

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Pakistan’s nefarious designs to usurp Indian territory of Gilgit-Baltistan Part 1

Abrogation of Article 370 has unsettled Pakistan. Risking its miniscule international reputation if any, Pakistan went hammer and tongs after India. Backed by China, Pakistan attempted to internationalise this issue. With even OIC (Organisation of Islamic Cooperation) refusing to pass a resolution condemning India’s legislation, the self-appointed ambassador of Kashmir, Prime Minister Imran Khan clamoured for international support. To disrupt the peace of the newly carved Union Territory of Jammu & Kashmir, Pakistan ramped up infiltration bids, made record high ceasefire violations and encouraged numerous Pulwama style attacks.

Having failed on all fronts, with the single point agenda of resurrecting his precarious political fortunes through Kashmir issue, Khan designated August 5^th, 2020 as ‘Black Day’ planned protests to garner international attention. Assiduously following Beijing’s footsteps, Khan released new political map containing regions of the erstwhile Princely state of Jammu &Kashmir, Junagadh in Gujarat, Sir Creek and Siachen Glacier. This compelling political hallucination amid Indo-China border tensions across the LAC has invariably exposed China’s role which egged Nepal as well to release a new political map. Khan’s ‘Political Absurdity’ has literally annihilated any scope of bilateral dispute resolution.

Revoking special status to Jammu & Kashmir, India effectively integrated the region and unequivocally asserted its sovereignty over the erstwhile Princely state. Resting on a legally flimsy ground, through inclusion of the Gilgit-Baltistan region, in the new political map Khan attempted to bestow legality to the $62 billion CPEC (China Pakistan Economic Corridor). Not contended with this unilateralism, on September 15^th Pakistan NSA attended the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) virtual meeting waving the new political map. India strongly objected to Pakistan’s effrontery for violating the Article 2 of SCO ¹⁵ that bars any cartographic adventurism. Indian NSA Ajit Doval walked away from the meeting in protest. SCO Chair, Russia rebuked Pakistan for the blatant violation of SCO charter.

Going at break-neck speed to encircle and contain India, China and Pakistan which have strategic interests in the region preparing ground for two-front war gave fresh push to Pakistan’s long-term strategy of making Gilgit-Baltistan its fifth province. Making no secret of its plans, on September 16^th, Minister for Kashmir Affairs and Gilgit Baltistan, Ali Amin Khan Gandapur announced Pakistan’s decision “to elevate Gilgit Baltistan to the status of full-fledged province with constitutional rights including representation in the senate and the National Assembly” ¹⁶. Pakistan’s move transgresses the 2019 Supreme Court’s ruling of GB as disputed province and that its status can’t be changed by Pakistan government ¹⁷.

With new projects and construction of dams lined up for construction in GB under the CPEC, land acquisition is becoming increasing difficult. To runover the archaic colonial laws and increase Chinese accessibility to the region, at the command of “iron brother”, Khan announced elections to alter the status of the region. Elections to the Gilgit Baltistan Legislative Assembly (GBLA) scheduled for Aug 18^th postponed due to Corona pandemic will be held on November 15^{th 18}. European Foundation for South Asian Studies (EFSAS) viewed Khan’s decision as a “belated response to India’s move to scrap Art 370 and 35A” ¹⁹. It also added, “however, it is constant Chinese pressure on the military establishment to ensure proper regular cover under Pakistan’s legal jurisdiction for its investment in CPEC which enters Pakistan from China through Gilgit-Baltistan, that has forced the establishment to act”. Expectedly, military establishment is now herding opposition together to conduct elections. Also, it intends to use this occasion to internationalise Kashmir issue.

Despite India’s objections, under immense pressure from China, to iron-out the legal ambiguities, Pakistan’s foreign policy which finds more convergence with Beijing is attempting to consolidate its power. Bordering the restive Xinjiang province to the east, Afghanistan’s Wakhan corridor and Chitral district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), GB, a rich reserve of various minerals is home for three largest glaciers- Baifo Glacier, Baltoro Glacier and Batura Glacier; contains eight highest peaks aside Mount Everest and Kanchenjunga. China which has constructed Karakoram Highway in the region, is now connecting the Kashgar region in Xinjiang to Gwadar port, (which doubles up as military base) to gain access to Arabian Sea under CPEC. China has high stakes in the region. It is constructing hydroelectric dams, SEZs and even stationed troops to safeguard its investments. Keen on securing investments and providing legal ground, Beijing is nudging a reluctant Pakistan military which is against granting any rights to people of GB to make it a province.

In the four months of Indo-China standoff the usual suspects cast aspersions on the abilities of the Indian dispensation to defend the sovereignty of the country. Unending panic-mongering came to an abrupt halt after Indian security forces gained tactical advantage over China by occupying major peaks South of the Pangong Tso. Since the official declaration of elevating GB as fifth province, the entrenched lobby of Pakistan sympathisers have been busy rewriting history and peddling lies about GB. Taking objection to India’s response, “Any action by Pakistan to alter the status of the military occupied so-called, “Gilgit-Baltistan” has no legal basis whatsoever and is totally void ab-initio”, the lobby began countering, “India has no defensible grounds to insist that Gilgit and Baltistan be “re-united” with it. Any assertion on the part of the Ministries in the Modi government that, “ we expect one day that we will have physical jurisdiction over it” or statements by  generals that Indian Army is prepared for an operation to “ retrieve” Pakistan-Occupied territory “ from the clutches of Pakistan” qualifies to be called by its rightful name-vistaarvad or expansionism”. Hence, it becomes imperative to understand the history of the region which is of great strategic significance.

Gilgit, also known as Dardistan, homeland of Dard speaking people was part of Maurya Empire. The surviving Asoka’s 14 rock edicts along the Karakoram highway ¹ irrefutably testimonies to this claim. It was ruled by Kushans and Lalitaditya during the 8^th Century. Besides its interactions with Kashmiri rulers, Tibetans held sway over the region. Rulers of Gilgit practised and patronised Buddhism. With the invasion of Shamser of Tarakhan dynasty in 1160 Islam made an entry into this region.  in 1335 Taj Mughal of Badakhshan invaded the region and introduced Ismailia doctrines. Throughout the Medieval period rulers of Gilgit belonged to Hunza, Nagar, Punial, Yasin, Ghizer and Chitral. Second lineage hailed from ruling families of Skardu, Khapalu, Shigar, Rondu, Astor, Karastshe, Tolti, Kargil and Dras. Gaur Rehman of Yasin killed the Shah Sikander and became the ruler of Gilgit in 1841. The brother of Shah Sikander, Karim Khan sought the help of Sikh Governor of Kashmir Sikander Khan to defeat Gaur Rehman. Dogra troops headed by Nathu Shah defeat Gaur Rehman. Karim Khan was made titular head and Nathu Shah returned to Srinagar to transfer power to Maharaja Gulab Singh ¹⁰.

 

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