After the Maldives and Bhutan, Sri Lanka became the third country in the immediate neighbourhood to confer the highest civilian honour, Sri Lanka Mitra Vibhushana, on Prime Minister Modi during his recently concluded three-day State visit to Colombo. Beyond symbolism, the State Honours are a token of gratitude and recognition of exceptional diplomatic efforts and solidarity with the people of the nation. The Honour is a testament to the nation’s commitment to nurturing friendly relations with foreign nations.
After President Anura Kumara Dissanayake of the National
People’s Power Coalition (NPP-JVP) assumed charge in September 2024, there were
rational fears about the implications of regime change in Sri Lanka on India. Janata
Vimukti Peramuna (JVP), the major partner of the coalition, is a strong leftist
party, perceived to be pro-China. This has stoked rational fears of the current
regime getting too close to China. In the past, JVP strongly opposed Indian
troop presence in Sri Lanka.
India enjoyed a very cordial relationship with the previous
Sri Lankan dispensation led by President Ranil Wickremesinghe. Wickremesinghe,
on many occasions, expressed gratitude to India for its stabilising role during
Sri Lanka’s economic collapse in 2022.
He implemented a vision document charted with India that discussed the
feasibility of a land bridge and the Economic and Technological Cooperation
Agreement (ETCA).
The near complete sweep of the NPP-JVP coalition, even in
the Parliamentary elections, spelled out the Sri Lankan public’s firm support
for a systemic reformist agenda advocated by President Dissanayake. A unified
mandate reflected people's aspirations of ending decades of misgovernance and
economic revival. Adopting a pragmatic approach during his campaign, AKD made
no anti-India remarks. However, he pledged to bring about transparency in
Chinese investments in Sri Lanka. Demonstrating a quick understanding of the
vision of the current dispensation, EAM Jaishankar visited Colombo immediately
after the election, assuring India’s support to Sri Lanka’s economic and
security priorities.
Critical of the previous regime’s decisions, the new
government opened an investigation into the Adani Wind Power Project,
backtracked on the privatisation of Sri Lankan Airlines, in which Indian firms
were keen to invest and reversed the decision to award management of Mattala
airport to an India-Russia joint venture. However, asserting his priority to
pursue national interests, Dissanayake made India his first foreign destination
for a state visit.
On his India visit in December 2024, leaders of both
countries adopted a Joint Vision of Fostering Partnerships for a Shared Future,
laying out broad contours of enhanced cooperation. This included counter
terrorism, money laundering, drug trafficking, joint training, maritime
surveillance, cooperation on hydrography, defence cooperation and energy
cooperation. Nevertheless, striking a balance in relations with India and
China, Dissanayake visited Beijing in January 2025. But the Chinese engagement
was rather vague and lacked clarity.
PM Modi who arrived in Colombo on April 5th, was
the first leader to be hosted by the Dissanayake regime. Received by six
cabinet ministers led by the foreign minister Vijitha Herath, PM Modi extended a
ceremonial welcome at the Independence Square. Per sources, this marks the
first occasion when a foreign leader was bestowed such an honour at the Square
which commemorates Sri Lankan independence from the British.
PM Modi and President Dissanayake reviewed the areas of
cooperation during the bilateral talks and announced two landmark agreements- a
defence cooperation agreement and a trilateral cooperation agreement to make
Trincomalee an energy hub.
As a part of third country cooperation, India, along with
its Strategic Partner UAE, has signed an MoU with Sri Lanka to develop a
multi-faceted energy hub in Trincomalee. Previously, India inked trilateral
cooperation agreement for Colombo port development project involving Japan. But
that failed takeoff due to the perceived China-Japan rivalry. The UAE has good
relations with both India and China. The promising inclusion of the UAE, an
energy major, is a stroke of diplomatic genius.
China has firmly established its influence in Sri Lanka with
large-scale infrastructure projects, including an oil refinery and a port at
Hambantota, and Mattala airport in the Southern Province. India’s proactive engagement with Colombo,
with the UAE’s participation, to develop a regional energy logistics centre at
Trincomalee in Eastern Province, can counterbalance Beijing and address the
severe power crisis of the island. The power crisis had indeed exacerbated the
Aragalya protests of 2022.
China has been keen to extend its influence in the Northern
Province of Jaffna, India's strategic underbelly. Predominantly a Tamilian
province, the NPP-JVP Coalition made major gains in Jaffna during the
Parliamentary election, fuelling real concerns of Beijing making quick inroads
into this region. An energy hub in Trincomalee and the MoU signed on the electric
grid interconnection for import and export of power can potentially reduce Sri
Lanka’s reliance on China for power.
After assuming power, Dissanayake prioritised economic
revival and national security. Aligning with his foreign policy interests, India
concluded the debt restructuring process with Sri Lanka, converting a $100
million loan into grants and reducing interest rates. Geopolitical
uncertainties have reinforced a glaring reality of the interconnected nature of
the national security of India and Sri Lanka.
At the press conference in Colombo, PM Modi said, “We
believe that we have shared security interests. The security of both countries
is interconnected and co-dependent”. In turn, President Dissanayake stated, “Sri
Lankan territory will not be used or be allowed to be used in any manner that
is inimical or detrimental to India's interests”.
In a bid to secure shared security interests, India and Sri
Lanka have signed an MoU on defence cooperation. According to sources, the
defence agreement has a framework designed for five years comprising high-level
military exchanges, joint exercises, capacity building, humanitarian assistance
and disaster relief (HADR) operations, naval port calls and cooperation between
defence industries. Indeed, the conversations on defence cooperation commenced
in December 2024 during Dissanayake’s visit to India.
This agreement, along with existing maritime cooperation
through Colombo Security Cooperation, will provide a new impetus to the defence
partnership. The revival of defence marks a new beginning in the India-Sri
Lankan contentious past.
Countries have signed MoUs on cooperation on digital
solutions, multi-sectoral grant assistance of 2.4 billion Sri Lankan Rupees for
the eastern province, health &medicine and pharmacopoeia. Leaders have
inaugurated the railway track of Maho-Omanthai, launched the construction of the
signalling system for the Maho-Anuradhapura railway line. They virtually
inaugurated a temperature-controlled first-of-its-kind agriculture warehouse in
Dambulla, laid the foundation for the Sampur Solar power project and witnessed
the supply of solar rooftop systems for 5000 religious institutions across Sri
Lanka.
PM Modi announced a comprehensive capacity-building
programme for youth, judges, entrepreneurs, media personnel and training for
700 Sri Lankan personnel and pointed to the completion of 10,000 houses for
Tamilians. He also offered to send the relics of Lord Buddha found in the
Aravali region excavations in Gujarat on International Vesak Day. Describing
India and Sri Lanka as “Civilisation twins”, PM Modi announced grant assistance
for the Thirukoneswaram Temple, popularly known as Kailash of South; Sita Eliya
Temple in Nuwara Eliya and Sacred City Complex Project in Anuradhapura.
India’s unprecedented assistance of over US$4 billion
through loan deferrals, currency swaps, grants, short-term loan
facilities, humanitarian relief, lines of credit and necessary guarantees
needed for the $2.9 billion IMF bailout, unlike Chinese loans, has aided in Sri
Lanka’s return to sustainable economic recovery.
Though the frequent arrest of Indian fishermen and
confiscation of their boats by the Sri Lankan Navy and the strong statements by
Tamil Satraps often rock the bilateral ties, countries are now trying to evolve
a cooperative framework. Notwithstanding the politically motivated resolution
by the Tamil Nadu assembly to reclaim the Katchatheevu Islands, coinciding with
PM Modi’s visit to Sri Lanka, the countries have displayed enormous maturity to
rise above these irritants.
Deploying a multi-faceted diplomacy, PM Modi has reached out
to Sri Lanka. Ratcheting up cultural diplomacy, PM Modi visited the Maha Bodhi
Tree and sought the blessings of Buddhist Saints at Anuradhapura. The Prime
Minister also briefly conversed with players of the Sri Lankan Cricket World
Cup-winning team. Embalming the old scars, PM Modi laid a wreath at the Indian
Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) memorial, acknowledging the supreme sacrifice of
Indian soldiers. Not allowing the past mistakes to overwhelm the trajectory of
current relations, PM Modi displayed an extraordinary Statesmanship in walking
an extra mile to fortify ties with the island.
By shedding the historical baggage, leaders of both
countries have displayed enormous conviction to rebuild the relations on the
foundations of mutual respect and goodwill. As the US and China trade spat
intensifies, fuelling global rifts, a stable neighbourhood front can certainly
serve as a bulwark against the external pressure. The pragmatic approach
adopted by the countries attests to the same.
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