Thursday 27 July 2023

Geoeconomic Realities Boost India-UAE ties

Prime Minister Modi singularly deserves the credit for transforming India’s relationship with the Middle East. Since his first visit to the UAE in 2015 after a gap of 34 years by an Indian Prime Minister to his latest official visit to Abu Dhabi on July 15th while returning from France, India’s engagement with the country grew phenomenally.  PM Modi was received by Crown Prince Khaled bin Mohamed Al Nahyan signifying the importance UAE attaches to India. Indeed, on PM Modi’s landmark visit in 2015, UAE announced its decision to allot land for the construction of a temple in Abu Dhabi.

Cognizant of the realignment underway in the region and focused efforts of the countries in the middle east to diversify their diplomatic engagement, Modi made a quick stop over at Abu Dhabi. Amid the decline of the US influence in the region and Beijing’s concomitant attempts to expand its economic and diplomatic footprint, New Delhi is also stepping up its overreach with the region. India has huge stakes in the region due to her diaspora, energy reliance, trade, and investments. Of the 9 million people in GCC countries, 3.5 million Indians are in UAE forming the most important and strongest pillar of the India-UAE relationship.

India’s extensive overreach and engagement peaked in the last 8 years of the Modi government’s tenure and rejuvenated the ties. In 2017, both countries elevated the ties to Comprehensive Strategic Partnership when the Crown Prince of Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, in short MBZ, graced the Republic Day Celebrations when the UAE army contingent marched along with Indian troops. The frequent exchange of high-level visits has energised the ties which are tremendously progressing on all fronts. Further cementing these ties, brushing aside the protestations from Pakistan, UAE extended the rare honour of inviting the then Indian Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj to address the Foreign Ministers meeting of OIC (Organisation of Islamic Countries) states in March 2019.

UAE is the third largest trade partner of India registering bilateral trade of $85 billion as of 2022-23. It is the fourth largest investment partner of India and the first foreign country to invest in Jammu & Kashmir. In March 2023, Dubai’s Emaar announced $60 million shopping and office complex in Srinagar. To reinforce investments between the two countries Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA) is planning to set up an office in Gujarat International Finance-Tech City (GIFT) City.

India is the first country UAE has signed the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) which came into force in May 2022. Since then, there has been a 15% increase in the trade and inching close to the set target of $100 billion in bilateral trade by 2025. CEPA has a unique record of being concluded in the shortest time frame. Buoyed by this success, UAE ratified with Israel subsequently.  

In addition to deepening economic cooperation, India and UAE are now collaborating in the plurilateral format, I2U2 (India, Israel, UAE and the US) and India-France-UAE trilateral relationship. The trilateral dialogue has agreed on a framework of cooperation in defence, environment, energy and people-to-people ties. Forging maritime cooperation, India, France and UAE held maiden joint exercises in the Gulf of Oman last month. Another mini-lateral with a focus on connectivity and infrastructure recently took off when the NSAs of India, the US, UAE and Saudi Arabia met in Riyadh.

With an emphasis on food security, UAE has announced an investment of $2 billion to develop a series of “food banks” under the I2U2 pivoted on the pillars of economic and technological cooperation. While India caters for food security, UAE is a vital partner for India’s energy security. UAE’s ADNOC (Abu Dhabi National Oil Company) is part of SPR (Strategic Petroleum Reserves)1.

As part of energy cooperation countries agreed to increase investment in the SPR program and extend it to green hydrogen, solar energy, and grid connectivity.  Countries have agreed to strengthen maritime cooperation, and connectivity, and enhance defence exchanges, training, and capacity building.  and health sector cooperation bilaterally and with third countries2.

Post Article-370 abrogation, when Pakistan urged OIC to up the ante against India, UAE categorically stated that Kashmir is India’s internal issue. UAE backs India’s Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism (CCIT) and together during Modi’s current visit sent a strong and indirect message to Pakistan on harnessing terrorism. Leaders emphasised the importance of promoting peace, moderation, coexistence and tolerance and called for renouncing all forms of extremism, hate speech, discrimination and incitement.

Both countries are currently playing significant global roles with India’s G20 Presidency and UAE’s COP28 prominently promoting the Global South interests. India hosted the Voice of Global South Summit while UAE through COP 28, “COP in Action” is emphasising on impact of climate change on developing countries that constitute the vast majority of Global South. Indeed, India is setting the tone for CoP28 through G20 ministerial meetings. UAE is a special guest at G20 meetings. PM Modi reiterated a personal invite to MBZ to attend the G20 leaders summit in September.

Leaders have issued a joint statement on Climate Change highlighting the importance of Global Stocktake (GST) and the indispensability of developing a Global Goal on Adaptation (GGA). They called upon the developed countries to fulfil the $100 billion delivery plan to finance the climate adaptation plans of the developing countries. India extended its support to UAE for the successful conclusion of COP283. PM Modi met Dr. Sultan Al Jaber, President designation of CoP28, and Group CEO of ADNOC and highlighted India’s climate change initiatives- Coalition of Disaster Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI), International Year of Millets, and Mission LiFE (Lifestyle for Environment).

Leaders oversaw the signing of three MoUs including those on establishment of a framework to promote the use of local currencies, interlinking payment and messaging systems and to start a campus of IIT Delhi at Abu Dhabi. This will be the second IIT campus abroad after the latest one in Tanzania.

In a huge fillip to trade in local currencies, India’s RBI has signed an MoU with the Central Bank of the United Arab Emirates to lay down a framework called the ‘Local Currency Settlement System’. This is an attempt to move away from the dollar.  But these isolated arrangements which can hardly dent the dollar unless adopted by a huge block can’t be summarily termed as de-dollarization. Hence the US shouldn’t be wary of this development. By and large, the pursuit is in its infancy given India’s trade making up for a mere 2% of the global economy.

Substituting the use of the dollar with local currency, India is slowly advancing the UPI or RuPay or Rupee Switch and preparing the ground for internationalising Rupee. As of now, 18 countries obtained RBI’s nod to trade in the Indian rupee which includes- Botswana, Fiji, Germany, Guyana, Israel, Kenya, Malaysia, Mauritius, Myanmar, New Zealand, Oman, Russia, Seychelles, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Tanzania, Uganda, and the UK4. France and UAE have accepted rupee-denoted trade, UPI and RuPay. India has just initiated talks with Indonesia on UPI payments.

NRI from 10 countries- Australia, Canada, Oman, Qatar, UAE, US, UK, Singapore, Hongkong and Saudi Arabia can receive or send money in Indian rupees and make payments using UPI with their international numbers5. All these point to India’s attempts to make the Indian rupee internationally tradable.

Dirham became the unofficial dollar for Indian oil dealers to trade with Russia in the wake of Western sanctions against Russia over the Ukraine conflict. RBI’s new arrangement of payment will make the trade simpler. Dirham emerged as an alternative to the Rupee trade with Russia. After Switzerland joined the sanctions regime against Russia, the global trading ecosystem was forced to shift to a neutral place for an uninterrupted oil flow.

Consequently, Dubai's free zone has emerged as the new hub for Russian oil trading. Russian oil traders started registering with Dubai Multi Commodities Market becoming the new centre for Russian oil trading. Additionally, the absence of personal tax favourably disposed Russian traders to Dubai. Encapsulating this new geoeconomic shift, the Financial Times column, “Dubai is the new Geneva”6 highlighted the rising prominence of UAE, which is now a major trading location for gems, gold, diamonds, and agricultural commodities like tea and coffee. UAE’s banking services, modern infrastructure and business-friendly regulations are turning it into a vibrant trading hotspot for global merchants.

The Western sanctions are designed in a way to prevent complete supply disruptions of oil within an inbuilt caveat of fixing a price cap on Russian oil which ensured reduced oil revenues to Moscow. Trading Russian oil from UAE is not illegal. Russian trade dealers are hiring non-Western shipping and insurance agencies to escape sanction threats. Endowed with modern and largest storage facilities Dubai free zones are well-positioned to become the most thriving global trading hub even after the Russian oil boom wanes. India hasn’t clearly lost sight of UAE’s burgeoning rise as a trading hub. As India continues its economic and political ascent a convergence of cooperation with India can be mutually beneficial.

Ostensibly, the framework of trading the local economies can over a period of time be a real game-changer. Moreover, the strategic convergences over maritime security and the commitment to promote peace, stability and prosperity can strengthen the partnership. The Middle East once dominated by the US is witnessing major realignment with countries seeking new partners to diversify their relations. Dispelling diplomatic inertia, India is constantly renewing its ties with partners and widening the gamut of cooperation. India’s exemplary outreach to the Middle East is a case in point for New Delhi’s evolving foreign policy.

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