The consistent and unprecedented maritime expansion of China
in the South China Sea and East China Sea has overtly turned the region into a
potential conflict zone. With unquenchable thirst to push its strategic
maritime boundaries beyond the Pacific Ocean, it is slowly dispelling the myth
that its rise is peaceful. It unrelenting exercise of expanding its foot print
both on land and waters through One Belt and One Road (OBOR) and Maritime Silk
Root (MSR) are now viewed with great caution and suspicion. The series of
maritime bases propped up by Beijing across three different oceans are now
closely monitored. Sudden escalation of tensions in the South China Sea have
been a cause of grave concern. The conflict reached a crescendo with US naval
destroyer sailing within 12 nautical miles of Triton islands, claimed by China,
Taiwan and Vietnam under Freedom of Navigation operations (FONOP) on January 30th.
Chinese severely condemned US action and deployed HQ-9 surface to air missile
system on the Woody Islands, largest island in the Paracel archipelago in SCS. The region has turned into a potential conflict zone with China going
ahead with its undeterred reclamation of the islands in the SCS. Aside, its
rapid construction maneuvers over the artificial islands, China is ambitiously
pursuing its maritime expansion by setting up string of islands across various
strategic locations.
China reached yet another milestone by establishing its first
ever military base officially, termed as a logistics facility to service
military vessels in the horn of the Africa, Djibouti. In a major effort to
assert its growing international stature China under the leadership of
President Xi Jinping, who championed to strengthen and expand its military reach
across the globe acquired the military base in Djibouti 4000 miles away from
its land. By virtue of its strategic geographic location, Djibouti with a
population of 900,000 is also home to a US military base in Africa. For several
decades, China proclaimed that establishing overseas military base is akin to
seeking hegemony and interference in internal affairs of other countries.
Beijing maintained that it will refrain from such activities. But China signed
10 years lease agreement to set up naval base at Obock in Djibouti enabling it
to gain access to Persian Gulf.
China’s interests in Africa are augured by its aspirations of
gaining a vantage position in the Indian Ocean region. As a part of this
strategy, China spent millions of dollars in development of infrastructure in
Djibouti and even laid a rail road that connects it to Addis Ababa, the capital
of Ethiopia, a land locked country with numerous Chinese investment projects.
China is the largest trading partner of Africa with trade volume surpassing
$200 billion (thrice US-Africa trade).
Ever since occupying the high seat of power in November 2012,
President Xi had ambitiously envisaged to revamp its 2.3 million strong military
force. In a bid to overhaul the military and introduce reforms, he first
launched an intense campaign against corruption and subsequently enhanced
military budget which according to Congressional research service study to
about $ 145 billion. All the while China has been highly critical of America’s
approach of establishing overseas military bases. But now it is busy defending
its own position under the pretext of safeguarding its navigational freedom and
aiding in crucial antipiracy operations. Though China frequently bespeaks of
its peaceful rise and lack of expansionist attitude its unquenchable thirst of
building overseas military installations reminds of typical US style of naval
suffusion.
US in the meanwhile is concerned as the new base is quite
close to its Camp Lemonnier base home to 4000 armed personnel that carries out counter terrorism operations.
US has recently extended its lease for 20 years with Djibouti. France too has a
base in Djibouti and Japan which participates in UN antipiracy operations also
stations its surveillance aircrafts and personnel there. Djibouti also hosts
Pakistan and Italian military troops.
Djibouti the former French colony near Gulf of Aden has
become hot-bed for overseas military installations firstly for its stable
regime in the relatively volatile African East Coast and for its geographical
location. It lies on the Bab el-Mandeb Straits, a gateway to Red Sea and Suez
Canal, one of the busiest shipping routes. It is less than 20 miles away from
the war ravaged Yemen and acts as an ideal base for international operations. China
sealed an agreement to pay $100 million as annual rent for using Djibouti base,
where 700 troops were stationed to protect its oil interests in South Sudan.
China steadily entered the Indian Ocean region under the
guise of helping in anti-piracy operations is now expanding its foothold in the
Indian Ocean region. While the Somalian piracy trouble has long disappeared,
China continues to extend its presence by wooing the Indian Ocean Littoral
countries. Its generous infrastructure bounties and soft credit lines to Maldives,
Sri Lanka are also part of this larger strategy. In fact China established its
presence in Arabian Sea and Indian Ocean by undertaking major development
projects of Gwadar Port in Pakistan and Hambantota port of Sri Lanka. The large
part of the schematic presence of China in western Indian Ocean will focus on
military operations other than the war (MOOTW). Presence in Djibouti will
enable China to respond to contingencies of the freedom of navigation in the
Persian Gulf region. China intends to develop a string of naval bases in the
Indian Ocean region to protect its Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) and
eventually expand its naval presence too. Now that US dependence of oil imports
from the Arabian region has reduced, it questions US presence in the Gulf and
aspires to replace its position. By and large China seems to have officially
unveiled its “string of naval bases” pursuit with Djibouti logistics facility
(Chinese preferred name for a base).
In a rare display of diplomatic resurgence and astuteness,
China has tacitly acquired Port Darwin in the Northern territory of Australia
signaling the assertion of economic and political primacy. In a chiseled
attempt to severe the alliance between the US and Australia, China has been
smartly investing in various infrastructure development projects in Australia.
Despite, a cautionary note from President Obama Australian prime minister
Malcom Turnbull okayed the $ 506 million deal of leasing out Port Darwin to a
Chinese company Land bridge headed by a former top-notch Communist Party of
China (CPC) official and whose secretary is Ex-PLA (People’s Liberation Army)
officer, for 99-years. US was visibly concerned and upset as its military
assets are stationed in North Australia under the Obama Foreign Policy of pivot
to Asia-Pacific. Fort Hill Wharf, a part of the port leased to China is used by
Australian Navy and other overseas militaries including the US. China is slowly
gaining strategic and economic influence over Australia and some strategic
analysts are really concerned as most of the Chinese private companies are
owned by the state. Earlier in 2014,
state owned China Merchants Group Limited with another local company Hastings
Fund Management bought Port of Newcastle in Australia. While Beijing claims that
business transactions of its companies are purely economic, the incongruent
ownership issues raises apprehensions over Chinese intentions internationally.
Similarly Port of Townsville signed a sister port agreement with Qinzhou port,
the departure port of Maritime Silk Route. The Ports of Townsville and
Newcastle are very close to Royal Australia Air Force (RAAF) bases at
Townsville and Williamstown respectively. Further acquisition of land next to
Australia’s domestic spy agency ASIO headquarters at Canberra by Chinese
billionaire, an Ex-PLA office who owns a company that manufactures Chinese
military weapons heightens fears of murkier Chinese investments. Reports
indicate that China is now eyeing to acquire Port Fremantle proximate to RAAF
Base Pearce and HMAS Stirling. Australian analysts are now hinting at the
possibility of Chinese accessing the data of CYBINT, SIGINT and HUMINT
intelligence agencies as China is now trying to gain control over the NSW
electricity network assets which may carry classified ADF communications.
Within Asia, China has pledged to develop Chittagong and
Anwara ports in Bangladesh. China has invested in deep-sea port on the Maday
Island at Kyaukphyu, Myanmar along which a pipeline worth $2.5 billion runs
carrying oil and natural gas to Yunnan province. Malaysia has recently
announced that it will allow Chinese vessels to dock at its port in Kota
Kinabalu as a part of confidence building measures in wake of recent rivalry in
South China Sea. Invoking the historic relations between the Ming dynasty and
Malacca Sultanate, a port alliance was announced between 10 ports of China and
five Malaysian ports (Kuantan, Bintulu, Melaka, Tanjung Pelepas and Port
Klang).China holds 40% shares in Kuantan port. It has ambitiously carved
out plans to develop ports with Laem Chabang in Thailand, Sihanoukville in
Cambodia, Batam in Indonesia and Kuala Tanjung in Northern Sumatra. The
extensive spread and prevalence of the shipping connections with parts
spreading across the entire the Indian Ocean, Asia-Pacific arc is indeed
intimidating.
Aside Indian Ocean, China is keen on having an overseas
support bases in Atlantic. Way back in 2012 Wen Jiabao, Premier of China made a
brief technical stopover on island of Terceira, in Azores. Terceira also known
as Lajes air field is operated jointly by US air force and its Portugese
counterpart. During World War I US Navy operated from Azores to spot German
submarines and again during World War II US and UK jointly occupied the place
for safeguarding the trans-Atlantic shipping. By 1946 when Portugal took over
it US sealed an agreement with it and turned into a strategic asset in Atlantic
Ocean. Over a period of time, it evolved as a crucial refueling and transit
port for US during its Middle East operations. But of late, the bustling port a
symbol of American-Portugal friendship is no longer active and Pentagon is
contemplating on vacating its due to financial constraints. US strategists are
firmly opposing this move since US has already closed its air naval station in
Keflvik, Iceland and losing Lajes Field would be a blunder. China is close to
entering into a bargain with Portugese dispensation by promising to refurbish a
port few miles away from the airbase. US is visibly distraught as Lajes is mere
2300 miles away from US. Located close to mouth of Mediterranean, China can
track the air and water traffic between US and Europe.
New Delhi can hardly afford to ignore the lurking presence
and explicit augmentation of Chinese maritime capabilities in its realm of
influence. But India’s depleting naval assets and inadequate replenishment of
maritime resources should be a cause for major concern. Moreover, India
shouldn’t go by Chinese theatrics of “no military ambition in Djibouti”, for it
has mastered the art of subterfuge. Namibia released a report indicating that
China is planning on setting up 18 military bases across in Indian Ocean. These
include Chongjin Port (North Korea), Moresby Port (New Guinea), Shinoukville
Port (Cambodia), Koh Lanta Port (Thailand), Sittwe Port (Myanmar), Dhaka Port
(Bangladesh), Gwadar Port (Pakistan), Hambantota Port (Sri Lanka), Maldives,
Seychelles, Yemen, Oman, Djibouti, Lagos (Nigeria), Mombasa (Kenya), Dar es
Salaam (Tanzania), Luanda (Angola), Walvis Bay (Namibia) . But Chinese
authorities quickly refuted the report (8). Djibouti is clearly a new
beginning, a preview to the larger panorama of China’s geopolitical ambitions.
The overwhelming presence of China and its staggering Naval spread slowly does
indicate its contradictory diction of peaceful. Intriguingly, Chinese
academicians attribute the domineering approach to its “Chinese dream” which
aims to gain greater strategic mileage at the behest of economic interests.
Though Beijing never misses an opportunity to condemn western hegemony, the
dragon is desperately positioning itself as the new super power on the
international power landscape. Interestingly, China dismisses this massive
strategic maritime exercise, as an act of building trade routes under the Maritime
Silk Road slogan of Xi. But is it really uncouth to call this humongous network
of maritime outreach a legitimate rise?
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