The Quad buttresses its identity as a coalition of democratic countries

Announcement of security alliance AUKUS, days ahead of the first ever in person Quad leaders’ summit has cast a shadow over the relevance of the Quad. Instead of wading into the debate of impact of Aukus on the Quad, the article will restrict its purview to what the Quad, as a coalition of like-minded countries has to offer. Since its inception, the concept of the Quad has been rather organic and amenable. It existed as an idea for over a decade until Chinese expansionist motives propelled the leaders to bestow a vision to the Dialogue. As a result, the geographic construct, Indo-Pacific started gaining some strategic weight in diplomatic discourses.

Geopolitically, unabated Sino-American rivalry and the ideological contest had stoked the talks of a new cold war. But unlike the USA-USSR conflict, the dominant powers now are reluctant to take on each other. Instructively, the US has embraced “Coopetition”- a strategy that promotes cooperation and competition. Embracing this strategy, America resorted to consensus-building exercise with China on areas of convergence-climate change and preventing next pandemic and confrontation on Taiwan, human rights, freedom of navigation. But China’s demand to soften stance for cooperation in areas of common interest has sent the US into reckoning.

Wary of a direct confrontation, the security alliances of cold war years (NATO and Warsaw pact) which defined the geopolitical rivalry are now replaced with coalition building exercise with like-minded countries. China’s nurturing of SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organisation) and America’s Quad typically fall in this category. Notably, India is part of both these groupings. Side-lining India, China is carefully building an alternate axis PRIC (Pakistan Russia Iran China) under the aegis of SCO. Devoid of any military aspect, these coalitions have turned into heft-building exercises. Interestingly, these coalitions are deemed as riposte to each other hegemonistic aspirations.

America no longer has the appetite to assume the charge of the Global Policeman. Given the huge interdependencies of America and China economies, parties are averse to a collision course. It is in this context, the recently concluded summit of Quad leaders assumes significance.

As opposed to Aukus where security has been the fulcrum, in line with the Biden’s foreign policy approach, the Quad has expanded the areas of cooperation. At the first ever virtual meet of Quad leaders, strengthening “The spirit of the Quad”, leaders mulled cooperation in vaccine production, climate change, critical technologies, quality infrastructure development, supply chain resilience and maritime security.

Alluding to its new foreign policy approach of making flexible multilateral by bestowing it resilience, the US has extricated defence component from the Quad. Resultantly, the Quad is like now an “interest-based and need-based coalition” with no elements on boots on ground. In an event of an aggression, India which shares borders and has a territorial dispute with China has to defend all by itself. Also, by creating a parallel group for Indo-Pacific with security as the foundation, the US had lent a strategic clarity and shut the critics down, who called the Quad as an “Asian NATO”.

With the security aspect now out of the Quad discussions, a new panoply of lofty aspects dominates the coalition. Interestingly, despite Joint Statement’s emphasis on the security of Indo-Pacific which is extremely crucial for “shared security and prosperity of free and open Indo-Pacific”, it has been excluded from the agenda. Reaffirming support for ASEAN’s strong unity and centrality, the Quad reviewed the progress made since the last meet, held six months ago.

Pivoted on the objective of “force for Global good” as remarked by PM Modi, Quad buttressed its identity as a group of democratic countries open to include new countries which share similar commitment towards democratic values and respect for universal human rights. The summit on September 24^th launched new policies and programs that advance cooperation on 21^st century challenges.

The frontiers of cooperation included those identified it the first virtual summit. In addition, science & technology has been added to this list now. To cultivate next generation of talent, 100 scholarships will be awarded to STEM graduates from all four countries under the Quad Fellowship program.  The physical summit witnessed the launch of Quad Principles on Technology Design, Development, Governance and Use; Quad Infrastructure partnership. Quad has adopted India’s resolution on Afghanistan at UNSC 2593 disallowing the use of Afghan territory to shelter, train terrorists or launch attacks on any country¹.

Other key issues which figured in discussion include- denuclearization of Korean peninsula, restoration of democracy in Myanmar, implementation of the ASEAN five-point consensus. To institutionalize the Quad and build more collaboration and cooperation, members agreed to have meetings of leaders, foreign ministers and senior officials regularly. The Quad affirmed to strengthen the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure and climate information systems and to cooperate on International Telecommunication Union.

Members reiterated their commitment to champion adherence to UNCLOS (UN Convention on the Law of the Sea) and agreed to extend assistance to the Pacific Islands on health, climate impact changes and sustainable & quality infrastructure. Laying specific emphasis on combatting climate crisis- Quad mulled formation of green shipping network to establish low-emission or zero-emission shipping corridors by 2030². Quad is planning to launch Semiconductor Supply Chain Initiative to secure critical technologies essential for digital economies.

Currently, China is a dominant power in space, rare earths trading and semi-conductor supply chains. Besides the maritime threats to the countries in the Indo-Pacific region, countries are now at the receiving end of China’s cyberattacks as well. The slew of initiatives now launched under the Quad, including commitment to FOIP is expected to bolster the Quad’s objective of countering China. But by refusing explicitly name Dragon and stripping the group of any formally defence cooperation, the group has become strategically insignificant.

The famed Malabar exercises initiated in 1992, now stands as the lone example of the much-touted interoperability and military cooperation of the Quad. Some strategists argue that as per the US’ recalibrated foreign policy approach, Washington prefers to address the security aspects through bilateral and trilateral arrangements. Euphemistically, if the US prefers a bi/trilateral partnership then China’s exaggerated criticism of the Quad as anti-China bloc is unjustified. By consequence, the vision of the Quad, as envisaged by President Abe with security as one of its cornerstones stands largely diluted.

The basic paradigm of Abe’s 2007 Quad, Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD) is to foster cooperation on regional security issues. On the contrary the Quad of 2021 firmly rooted in FOIP is expanding the arena of cooperation on a panoply of non-strategic aspects. Interestingly, if Quad is to be reckoned as bulwark against China, it must include trade and investment since China controls the global trade, supply chains and uses the same as a strategic weapon.

While the desire of democracies to come together reflects their assertiveness to take on China, the security challenges faced India and Japan, the members in the region remain unaddressed. Simply put, close to two decades of its existence, the Quad finally consolidates its position as alliances of democracies lacking the appetite to address the hardcore security aspects embroiling the Indo-Pacific region. 

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