India-UAE Fortify Multi-faceted Bilateral Ties

Close on heels after announcement of conclusion of interim trade deal between India and Australia by mid-March, the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with UAE will be a huge boost for Indian economy.  In a virtual summit meet commemorating 75 years of India’s independence and 50 years of UAE’s foundation, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Crown Prince Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan witnessed the signing of CEPA.

The FTA with UAE is New Delhi’s second major deal after the India-Mauritius Comprehensive Economic Cooperation and Partnership Agreement (CECPA) in February 2021.

Breaching the traditional timelines, expediting the talks, both countries finalised this early harvest deal in a record 88 days. Both the countries commenced the talks in September 2021. Three visits by the External Affairs Minister and a visit by Commerce Minister to UAE for negotiations laid the ground for CEPA. To increase the existing bilateral trade worth $60 billion to $100 billion merchandise trade, and services trade to $15 billion in five years, the CEPA envisioned to reduce tariffs initially of 80% goods and will extend to 98% of goods over time.

Besides enabling the two-way investment in trade and services, start-ups and fintechs, the FTA is expected to create 5 lakh jobs in gems, textiles, engineering, agriculture and auto sectors in India and 1 lakh jobs in UAE.

Introducing new structural changes and launching “Vocal for Local: Manufacture in India for the World”, a cumulative turn around in manufacturing sector Indian Government set the merchandise export target of $400 billion¹ for the 2022. India is almost on reaching this milestone this year. Enthused by fledging manufacturing potential, India is aiming at $2 trillion exports by 2030- comprising of $1 trillion merchandise exports and $1 trillion service exports. The FTA with UAE will not only help in sustaining the growth but would facilitate access to attractive export markets for Indian goods.

In line with its ambitious targets, New Delhi has junked the strategy of signing trade agreements to join trade groups and shifted its focus on sealing bilateral FTAs with countries to facilitate market access and better integration of Indian markets to global supply chains. This FTA with UAE will eventually actuate India to conclude similar trade agreements with GCC countries (Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, Oman and Bahrain), the UK, the EU, Australia, Israel and Canada on anvil.

UAE is part of the Greater-Arab Free Trade Area (GAFTA) and has free trade access to Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Syria, Sudan and Tunisia². With CEPA on roll, India can enter markets of West Asia and Africa.

Giving major push to its FTA strategy, the UAE is also planning to seal FTAs with eight countries including India, the UK, Indonesia, Turkey, South Korea, Ethiopia, Israel and Kenya this year. Needless to say, enhanced economic cooperation is bound to foster a robust and resilient relationship.

India and UAE established diplomatic ties in 1972. But Prime Minister Modi’s visit to the country in 2015, a first in 34 years, resurrected the ties hinged on the pillars of energy cooperation, remittances and employment destination. In line with UAE’s “Vision 2021” which sought to diversify its economy, India and UAE harnessed a vision to expand the cooperation to different sectors. Subsequently, countries unveiled UAE-India Infrastructure Investment Fund. UAE pledged $75 billion to support India’s plans for building next generation infrastructure over a period of time.

The bilateral trade which mainly comprised of oil valued at $180 million per annum in 1970s steadily grew to $59 billion. Currently UAE is the third largest trading and export destination of Indian goods after US and China. UAE is 9^th biggest investor in India in terms of FDI.

Since 2015, state visits by Prime Minister Modi in 2018, 2019 and reciprocal visits by Crown Prince in 2016 and 2017 reinvigorated the ties. In 2017, on the eve of Crown Prince’s visit to India as guest of honour for Republic Day celebrations countries elevated the ties to Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. Signalling trust and deepening friendship, UAE armed forces joined the parade becoming the first Arab nation to participate in the Republic Day march and second foreign military contingent. The first being the French contingent.

Aside the synergistic economic cooperation, the significant hallmark of India-UAE relationship is developmental partnership in J&K. Riled by abrogation of article 370, Pakistan has attempted to garner the support of OIC countries against India. Unequivocally stating that it is an internal matter of India, UAE cold shouldered Pakistan.

In response to Pakistan’s nefarious agenda to destabilise J&K, India roped in the UAE as a developmental partner. In October 2021, India hosted a high-level delegation from Dubai for signing a MoU with J&K administration for real estate development, industrial parks, IT towers, logistics, medical colleges among others at Srinagar³. Giving a huge boost to trade, tourism and international connectivity, direct flight between Srinagar and Sharjah was flagged off.

As a follow up, commemorating J&K week at Indian pavilion of Dubai Expo 2020, Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha travelled to UAE to meet business leaders to attract investments for economic development. He finalised investment commitments from Emaar, DP World and the Lulu world towards building of Mall of Srinagar, establishment of multi-modal inland container terminal and cold storage facilities and setting up of network of hypermarkets for handicrafts, horticulture products, fresh produce from J&K respectively. Clearly this mutually beneficial development partnership besides bolstering ties is a message to the World that India is keen of putting J&K on a growth trajectory.

Heralding 50 years of strong bilateral ties, leaders released a road map, “Joint India-UAE Vision Statement: Advancing the India-UAE Comprehensive Strategic Partnership: New Frontiers, New Milestones” for a future looking partnership. Multi-faceted partnership now revitalised by economic cooperation is leaping forward to consolidate such cooperation in arenas of culture, health, skills, education, global issues, defence and security, energy partnership, climate action, renewables, emerging technologies and food security.

Countries have also signed MoUs in areas like- economy, climate change and Houbara Conservation, Industries and Advanced Technologies, Low Carbon Hydrogen Developments and Investments, food security, financial services and Issuance of India-UAE joint stamps⁵.

Energy partnership has been key pillar of Indo-UAE bilateral ties. Additionally, UAE is also India’s first international partner by way of investing crude in India’s Strategic Petroleum Reserves Program, has committed to collaborate with India towards an equitable transition to low-carbon future. With UAE selected to host COP28 in 2023, countries have agreed to work closely in context of COPs, International Renewable Energy Agency (IREA) and International Solar Alliance (ISA). With UAE joining the UNSC as non-permanent member for 2022-23, both countries resolved to “reinforce mutual support in multilateral areas to promote collaboration in economic and infrastructure spheres”⁴.

Modi condemned the recent attacks by the Houthi rebels against UAE. Reaffirming their joint commitment to fight terrorism and extremism, both the leaders emphasised the “importance of promoting the values of peace, moderation, coexistence and tolerance”. Thanks to UAE’s commitment towards moderation and tolerance, the West Asia fraught with turbulence and friction is witnessing a new churn. While Abraham Accords played a pivotal role in reshaping and integration of the region, the UAE’s role in bringing the countries has raised the hopes of new dawn of co-existence and peace.

India-UAE comprehensive strategic partnership and strong ties have paved way for a new multilateral touted as the “new Quad” comprising India, UAE, Israel and the US. Led by UAE, foreign Ministers of the countries held the first virtual summit in October to explore risk free economic opportunities in the post Abraham Accords era. As of now there is little to suggest that the new Quad envisages a strategic or security role. But India’s strong ties with UAE has helped it to overcome the traditional inhibitions to enter a regional cooperation arrangement in the West Asia.

UAE is home to 3.5 million Indian community with Indians being “largest minority ethnic group” making up for 38% of UAE residents. The intangible force of people to people connect and strong business to business relations have brought the countries much closer.

Indian diplomacy is certainly coming of the age by breaking the self-imposed barriers of staying away from West Asia. Maintaining strong friendly ties with rivals- Israel, Iran, Saudi Arabia, India is slowly expanding its reach in the Arab region.

Breaking new ground through FTA, both countries have signalled their intent to consolidate the partnership with new optimism. Together with close collaboration and sense of purpose, countries have set a stage to usher into a new era of prosperity contributing to global recovery and creating immense opportunities for both economies.

Through an unprecedented outreach, both the countries have transformed a transactional energy cooperation into a comprehensive strategic cooperation. Now UAE is a vital strategic partner of India for the regional cooperation in West Asia.

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PM Modi attacks the Congress impervious to political scrutiny

With elections around the corner, Rahul Gandhi in reply to motion of thanks to President’s address chose the platform of Lok Sabha to take on BJP. He raised issues about unemployment, Pegasus, Chinese aggression and weakening of the federal structure of the country.  To drive home his point, he asserted that India is a not a nation but a “union of states”. He claimed, “India is described in the Indian Constitution as a union of states and not a nation. One cannot rule over the people of a state in India. Different languages and cultures cannot be suppressed. It is a partnership, not a kingdom”.

Needless to say, he purposely chose to state a half-truth to push his agenda. While Article 1 of the constitution says, “India that is Bharat is a Union of States”, the makers of the Constitution presciently included an explanation in the debate and issued a clarification. Drafting committee chairman Dr B R Ambedkar explained that “union of states” was used to clarify that states did not have the right to secede from India¹ and warned against calling this a federation akin to the United States which is a Federation of States. Ambedkar and all the other makers of the Constitution have espoused unequivocally the national identity of India.

By resorting to the selective interpretation, Rahul Gandhi has disingenuously attempted to create a misconception. The preamble of the Constitution declares- “Fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and the integrity of the nation”. Lamenting that “I feel uncomfortable”, “there are two Indias-one for the poor and one for the rich. The chasm between these two Indias are increasing continuously” he undermined the inexorable fact of India’s nationhood, he subtly stoked latent disaffection towards an elected government.

This tried and tested technique of Congress to sow seeds of distrust has been the latest fad of Congress party which has long last its interest to royally claim its place through electoral verdicts. Resting in the laurels of the gifted moral victories of the ecosystem, which is ever ready to defend the dynasty despite its eroding electoral support, Congress has stopped putting a tough fight in the elections.

Instead, it has resorted to the sinister tact of toppling the government by other means. Incapable of taking on the Modi juggernaut and BJP’s colossal well-oiled election machinery, Congress has outsourced its campaign to external sources, which has replaced the manifesto with a tool kit. Having tasted its first victory with the meticulous implementation of a tool kit leading to roll back of the three farm laws, the Congress party and its part time President are now making brief appearances before the elections armed with weapon of stoking dissensions and capitalising on the deep fissures in a diverse country like India. Analogous to the “divide and rule” policy of the British calling India a “union of states”, Congress is innocuously instigating the states against the Centre.

Besides attacking the judiciary and the Election Commission, Gandhi launched a tirade against the government saying, “Now there is a Shehanshah. Now the instruments of the conversations between our state and people are being attacked by one idea”. While Congress left no stone unturned to label the elected government as fascist, a covert attempt to revive sub-nationalism sentiments and attempts to polarise the country along the regional lines has been the major import of his message.

As has been the case, the usual suspects hailed his speech as “coming of the age”. This jaundiced interpretation of India as a nation, vituperative criticism and cynical portrayal of India since 2014, has become a second nature to Congress party. Relinquishing the responsibility of a principal opposition party in a Parliamentary democracy Congress has brazenly resorted to the idea of fueling the separatist tendencies to discredit the government. This kind of unrestrained negative propaganda is steadily strengthening the vested interests.

Countering the dangerous precedent of begetting dissensions towards the concept of India, as the Prime Minister of our nation, Modi in his address to both the houses of the Parliament has decimated the spurious postulations of Rahul Gandhi.

Launching a blistering attack on Congress, Modi gave a reality check to Congress which is losing ground across the country. Countering Rahul Gandhi’s quip, “Main Tamil Hu Na”, Modi reminded Congress was last voted to power six decades ago in Tamil Nadu and listed out the states where the party has been shunted out lock, stock and barrel. Fluctuating electoral mandates are part and parcel of a functioning democracy. But a systematic decimation of a party from a number of states clearly points to an underlying flawed political strategy.

Besides being divested of the ground realities, the Congress party devoid of a capable leadership and have now resorted to depraved politicking. Through its preposterous strategy of denigrating anything related to India to show the ruling party in a poor light, Congress party is inadvertently colluding with vested interests. This trend has become more pronounced during the pandemic, when Congress was complicit in the vicious western propaganda. The scale of the blind hatred towards ruling dispensation has reached to such an extent that Pakistan began using the posts of the Congress leaders to support its anti-India propaganda.

This worrying trend remained uncontested with the ecosystem singing the same tune as the Congress party. For decades, the party had a free run with all its offences unchallenged and unquestioned. Even as the list of blunders would make people hang their head in shame, the unflinching loyalty of the ecosystem ensured that the narrative still favoured and revered the party.

Demolishing the grand old party’s self-entitlement, Modi listed out the misdemeanours of Congress- “had Congress not been there… democracy would’ve been free of dynasty, India would’ve been spared of the blot of Emergency, corruption wouldn’t have been institutionalised, the abyss of casteism and regionalism wouldn’t have been so deep, Sikhs wouldn’t have been massacred, Punjab wouldn’t have brunt on the fire of terrorism, Kashmiri Hindus wouldn’t have had to leave their state”.

In a similar vein, rebutting the charges of suppression of right to freedom of speech, Modi pointed out to treatment meted to Lata Mangeshkar’s brother Hridyanath Mangeshkar who was unceremoniously sacked from AIR in 1955 for setting the tune of Veer Savarkar’s poem. Prof Dharam Pal and Majrooh Sultanpuri were jailed for criticising Nehru and Kishore Kumar was banned from singing on radio for condemning the Emergency.

Generously citing Nehru’s statements on inflation and India’s nationalistic identity, Modi decimated Rahul Gandhi’s charade of lies and destroyed the high moral ground of Congress. Alongside quoting from Nehru’s speech- “No one should be under an impression that we would launch a military operation in Goa. There is no military stationed around Goa. People within want to make noise and create a situation which forces us to send our Army there. We will not send our Army. We will decide on it peacefully. Let everyone understand this……. but if they call themselves satyagrahis, they should also remember the values, the principles and the path of satyagrahis. There is no army to back them²” Modi elegantly punctured the image of Nehru who refused to send the Army to liberate Goa 15 years after independence for the fear of spoiling his global image of a peace lover. With Assembly elections just days away, while this falls in the category of electoral appeasement, Goans have dearly paid with their lives for freedom to impute any motives.

Claiming that the Congress party has become the face of the “tukde tukde gang” with its ideology hijacked by the Urban Naxals, Modi demolished the façade of the party which seeks umbrage from any political scrutiny for its contribution during the freedom movement. Holding a mirror to Congress party that accused Modi of destroying the federal fabric, Modi recounted the ouster of several chief ministers under Congress regime and indiscriminate use of Article 356.

Modi’s devastating takedown of the Congress, which seemingly bordered on election campaign, covered a vast ground that unravelled the deviant politicking of the Congress party since 2014. Resorting to disrespectful and mindless criticism of initiatives striving to attain self-reliance, Congress has muddied the progress and dented the collective aspirations of the country. Especially the boycott of all party meetings during the Covid, abetment of vaccine hesitancy and triggering mistrust towards indigenous Covid vaccines have been rather odious.

Encircled by belligerent neighbours, keen on creating domestic unrest and external tensions to unravel India, by hideously crossing the redlines of the respectable criticism, befitting of a democracy, Indian opposition is bolstering external forces. With unsparing attacks on India and its nationhood that ill behove a responsible opposition, Congress party and its ecosystem baulked at India’s efforts to combat Covid.

Outmanoeuvring Rahul Gandhi, Modi launched a scathing attack on the dynasty politics calling it the real threat to democracy. Incapacitated to take on Modi electorally, Congress has adopted a three-pronged approach of discredit, destabilise and dismiss to overthrow a government. Being a seasoned politician, Modi rightly alerted the citizens of Congress treacherous motives. Dissent is now being weaponised to destabilise governments across the world. Under the garb of dissent, vested interests are desperately attempting to overthrow democratic governments and India must be prudently wary.

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India-Central Asia Summit crafts effective framework for engagement

 After the collapse of Soviet Union, Central Asia has been relatively stable and several major players exuded great interest in the region for geopolitical gains. US private companies invested over $31 billion in the region and Washington continues to engage with the region through the C5+1 platform¹. Beijing having established diplomatic ties with the region after the independence of Central Asian Republics (CARs), steadily stratified its investments under the flagship- Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI). While Russia considers CARs it exclusive, “near abroad” zone. Considered as “arena of great game” Iran, Turkey, Japan, Europe, EU, Pakistan, Afghanistan and India have vital stakes in the region.

Strategically located, the Central Asian Republics- Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are a vital link between Asia and larger Eurasian landmass and play a great role in the regional stability and peace. While several players operate in the region the unrest in Kazakhstan in the first week of January critically exposed the fault lines and the strong influence wielded by Russia in the region.

Though the reason for the sudden eruption of violence cannot be pinned to a single issue. It has by and large exposed the frictional points in the region- existence of an authoritarian deep state beneath the veil of democracy, rampant corruption, huge financial inequalities, reactivation of fundamentalist Islamist elements, deep penetration of foreign agencies in administration and governance.

When severe protests threatened to derail the government, Kazakhstan President Tokayev’s sought CSTO’s (Central Security Treaty Organisation) assistance to bring country back to normalcy. Within days of CSTO troop deployment, the unrest was quelled. Arrival of Russian forces has inevitably established its larger influence over the region as security provider. Interestingly, this incident has invariably threw spanner into China’s unbridled run in asserting its dominance in Central Asia.

Along the recent development, the withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan and Taliban takeover has inexorably underscored the importance of the CARs for regional stability. To counter the fledging Pakistan-Taliban-China nexus in the aftermath of America’s evacuation from the region, New Delhi has assiduously worked towards building close engagement with CARs and Russia to contain the spill over effects of Taliban takeover of Afghanistan.

India had a historical connect with the region which includes cultural, religious, civilizational and economic linkages. Buddhism from India spread to other countries through this region, the famous Silk Route spanning the region has been a vital trade link. Mughals made their entry into India through the Fergana Valley of Central Asia.

While Afghanistan is the top of agenda of India’s potential engagement with CARs currently, in the post-Cold war era, India established diplomatic ties to rebalance its foreign policy. In 2012, deeming CARs as an “extended neighbourhood”, India launched “Connect Central Asia (CAA)”. But the doctrine received a new lease for life with Prime Modi’s visit to all the five republics in 2015, the first ever by any Indian Prime Minister. Considered as a turning point, the visit reinvigorated India’s strategic ties with the region.

India soon established Joint Working Groups with CARs in the areas of Counter terrorism, trade and economic cooperation, defence and military cooperation, information technology, hydrocarbons, textiles, space cooperation, health, transport, connectivity and logistics to take the relations forward.

Strategically positioned, rich in mineral resources accessing the land locked region has been a major road block in the India-Central Asia relations. India doesn’t physically share borders with the region and Pakistan blocks India’s direct routes to Afghanistan and Central Asia. Transit through China is time consuming and costly. To overcome this block, India inked a trilateral agreement with Iran and Uzbekistan for the use of Chabahar port and connectivity to International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and joined the Ashgabat Agreement with governments of Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Iran, Oman and Pakistan for creating International Transport and Transit Corridor (ITTC) in 2018.

Besides, India ramped up its engagement with Central Asia as member of Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU).  Additionally for building comprehensive and enduring relations, a platform, India-Central Asia Dialogue led by the foreign ministers held first meeting at Samarkand (Uzbekistan) in 2019 and launched India-Central Asia Business Council (ICABC) to promote trade linkages. India adopted a broad-based framework- economic, political, cultural and security connection to bolster relations with CARs. India announced $1 billion Line of Credit to widen energy and connectivity partnership² during the second India-Central Asia dialogue held virtually.

Aside affirming cooperation in combatting terrorism, India pledged to finance, high impact community development projects (HICDP) in Central Asia for furthering socio-economic development. In tandem with the continuous engagement, the third India-Central Asia dialogue, held in Delhi reiterated strong support for “a peaceful, secure and stable Afghanistan” and need for - exploring new vistas of cooperation to deepen strategic engagement through 4Cs- Commerce, capacity building, connectivity and contact. This encompassed cooperation in the arenas of security and terrorism, trade and economy, development partnership, energy security, healthcare and climate change³.

The Third India-Central Asia summit coincided with the foreign ministers OIC meeting held by Pakistan. Interestingly, the CARs chose to attend the Delhi dialogue as opposed to the Islamabad meet as a mark of greater congruence with India’s perspective on geopolitical issues and especially with regards to dealing with Taliban.

Marking the 30 years of establishment of diplomatic ties with CAR, India invited the Presidents of CARs for Republic Day celebrations. Amid the Covid threat while the visit of foreign dignitaries couldn’t attend the event, ramping up the potential engagement, Prime Minister Narendra Modi held the first ever India-Central Asia summit with the leaders of CARs virtually on 27^th January.

Commemorating the 30 years of diplomatic ties, the Sides have issued joint postal stamps. The CAR leaders welcomed India’s offer to establish India-Central Asia Centre that could serve as secretariat for India-Central Asia Summit and noted the need to create India-Central Asia Parliamentary Forum. India’s comprehensive relationship attempted to provide an ambit of solutions including reliable support during pandemics under PM Modi’s “One Earth One Health”.

Reiterating the crux of the strategic relationship, Modi outlined the principle of “Support for All, Development for All, Trust for All, Efforts for All” for regional development, peace and prosperity. Unlike the empty ‘win-win’, India’s trademark inclusive and collaborative approach with a focus on capacity building and human resource development has always been well received by countries.

Connectivity can be a force-multiplier in terms of boosting the economic and trade cooperation for land-locked countries. Cognizant of CARs connectivity needs, India proposed establishment of Joint Working Group on Chabahar port to address issues of free movement of goods and services between India and CARs. Additionally, both sides have agreed to widen the expanse of cooperation to a gamut of sectors- health, information communication technology, establishment of IT/ITES Task Force, tourism, education, youth exchange programs, digitization of manuscripts and film festivals.

Counter terrorism has been another pivotal area of strategic convergence between India and CARs. Taliban’s return to power has only exacerbated the fears of resurgence of terrorism in the region. Concerns of Pan-Islamic outfits gaining ground in Afghanistan and their eventual penetration to the entire region through the porous borders has dismayed the CARs. Reactivation of the groups besides threatening the regional peace is bound to cumulatively increase narco-terrorism.

During the summit, leaders stressing the need for achieving a ‘world free of terror’ underscored the importance of universalization of Code of Conduct towards Achieving a World Free of Terror⁴ and for the first time acknowledged the “interconnection between security, combating terrorism and development, thus facilitating the advancement of the Sustainable Development Goals”.

For decades, India has been highlighting the need for countering terrorism at every possible international forum. But countries sided terror patrons or chose to ignore India’s repeated appeals for geopolitical gains. The spirited acknowledgment of the perils of terrorism by CARs rightly lends strength to New Delhi crusade against terrorism. Apart from calling for early adoption of UN Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism (CCIT), leaders welcomed Tajikistan’s proposal to hold an International Conference within the framework of “Dushanbe Process on countering financing of terrorism” in October 2022. Agreeing to establish a Joint Working Group on Afghanistan at Senior Officers level, the countries reiterated strong support for “a peaceful, secure and stable Afghanistan” and noted with apprehension the external interference of Pakistan in Afghanistan.

From security perspective, CARs are extremely important for regional security and stability. Taliban’s return has changed the delicate geopolitical balance in the region. India is welcomed in the region as a counter balance to the assertive China against whom the disenchantment among CAR has been growing. Aside its growing footprint, Beijing’s repression of Kazakh and Kyrgyz Muslims along with Uighurs has only heightened anti-China sentiments.

Russia which is miffed with Beijing’s presence in its traditional backyard also favours India’s engagement with the region. For long Pakistan enjoyed a special affinity with CARs due to religion connect. Now the threat of fundamentalism to regional peace and Pakistan’s reputation of state-sponsor terror has turned the CARs against Islamabad. On the contrary, India has a good will in Central Asia. Wary of India’s sustained diplomatic engagement, President Xi held virtual summit with CARs, ahead of Indian summit and announced $500 million financial assistance over a period of three years.

Rolling out a framework for building robust diplomatic ties with Central Asia, the biennial summit made a perfect beginning in the right direction. Now, both sides must strive to renew and revitalize strategic relations.

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China’s hubris evokes strong riposte

Covid pandemic has inexorably laid out bare the defining attributes of every nation state.  China has been no exception. Stealthy salami slicing across the LAC, reunification threats and blatant intimidation of Taiwan, military adventurism in South China Sea, maritime incursions into North Natuna Sea during the pandemic exposed the naked belligerence of China.  Brutal crackdown on the pro-democracy movement, enforcement of National Security Law, ‘Patriots-Only’ (pro-Beijing) legislative election in Hongkong offered a sneak peek into Beijing’s totalitarianism.

New Maritime Law of September 2021, China-Bhutan border agreement of October 2021, China’s border law which came into force from January 1^st have underscored the rapacious expansionism of the Dragon. Giving teeth to its unrestrained expansionist pursuits of the Middle Kingdom, President Xi is now unabashed about its global power ambitions. Making no secret of its intentions, on the eve of the Centenary celebrations of Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Xi vowed, “we will never allow anyone to bully, oppress or subjugate China. Anyone who dares try to do that will have their heads bashed bloody against the Great Wall of Steel forged by over 1.4 billion Chinese people”¹.

Effortlessly replacing its rather famed “sophisticated” foreign policy with Wolf Warrior Diplomacy during the pandemic, China changed the course of its engagement. China’s “hectoring” which has been in second nature became more obvious owing to China’s coercive economic and diplomatic action against a puny nation Lithuania. Pumping up the nationalistic spirit, to divert nation’s attention from an economic slump Xi has fired up all cylinders on reunification of Taiwan mission. Lithuania’s support to Taiwan and its act of permitting the island nation to set up an office- “Taiwanese Representative Office” as against the regular norm of having a “Taipei Economic and Cultural Office” which invariably deprives it of an independent identity sans China has riled China.

Displaying unusual courage, despite CCP’s attempts to bully Lithuania, it refused to succumb. Reiterating its fealty to democratic principles, to avoid an economic fallout Vilnius is now mulling a financial assistance of $147 million to companies affected by dispute with China².  Standing up to Chinese unofficial economic blockades against Lithuania, Taiwan bought 20,000 bottles of rum from Lithuania destined for China. Earlier, China reportedly blocked shipments of beer from Lithuania, to avoid such a spate, Taiwan stood up for Lithuania.

China’s heavy-handed tactics has inadvertently dented Dragon’s image impelling nations to follow Lithuania’s path. By now, the World is too familiar with China’s efforts to poach Taiwan’s diplomatic allies which has reduced from 19 in 2016 to mere 13 as of now. Protests on Solomon Islands and an announcement by newly elected Nicaraguan President Ortega barely a week into the office severing ties with Taiwan have only consolidated the World view of China’s bullying strategies. Clearly, Lithuania’s defiance is a tipping point.

Back in the region, post-Doklam, India and China unveiled informal summit meets to reset ties. In 2018, seeking a peaceful relationship, acknowledging the sensitivities of China, Indian government asked state functionaries to avoid Tibetan events. But the incorrigible Dragon, besmirching the mutual trust, at the height of the pandemic intruded into the Indian side of LAC in 2020. Having suffered a bloody nose during the violent clash at Galwan valley China’s fantasies of overpowering India have come to a naught. Though PLA has disengaged with Indian troops at PP14 (Galwan Valley) and Pangong Tso. Even now the troops are stationed at various friction points including Depsang Valley and Hot Springs.

Though China has agreed to pull back troops, 13 rounds of border talks failed to resolve the log-jam. Currently both sides are yet to finalise dates for next round of Commander level talks. Turning the souring relations more acrimonious, being an ace-player of mind games, China started wielding the tools of deception, treachery and propaganda against India.

Even as the border standoff has failed to make any breakthrough needling India’s indisputable sovereignty and insinuating India, China renamed 15 places in Arunachal Pradesh in Mandarin despite India’s unequivocal assertion of Arunachal Pradesh as an integral part of India. While this is argued as China’s reaction to RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat’s meeting with Dalai Lama at Dharmashala in December. Given China’s spree of violation of mutual agreements with impunity, India shed the needless compunction to shy away from engaging with the Dalai Lama.  Since the Sino-Indian logjam, upping pressure along the Eastern sector, PLA began executing the forward policy of constructing enclaves close to the North Saing basin and expanding 101-home village in upper Subansiri basin.

In December last week, brazenly, breaching diplomatic etiquettes, the Chinese Embassy in India shot off an impolite letter to six MPs who attended a dinner meet organised by Tibetan government in exile. The political counsellor of Chinese Embassy threatened MPs to refrain from engaging with “out and out separatist political group and an illegal organization”. The letter which had bearings of Dragon’s characteristic wolf-warrior diplomacy stated, “Indian government has recognized that Tibetan Autonomous Region is part of territory of PRC” and chided, “you are a senior politician who know the China-India relations well. It is hoped that you could understand the sensitivity of the issue and refrain from providing support to ‘Tibetan independence forces’”³.

Responding to China’s insolence, the spokesperson of Central Tibetan Administration shot back, “Tibet issue is certainly not an internal issue of China. Whatever happens in Tibet is a serious matter of concern for all the people around the World… China must stop growling here &there all the time”.

Even Tibetan Parliament in-exile issued a press statement condemning Chinese act of sending letters to Indian MPs and said, “China is intimidated by the growing support for the Tibet movement around the World”.  The statement reiterated, “Historically Tibet has never been a part of China. Since the illegal and violent occupation of Tibet, China has oppressed the Tibetans under its brutal and draconian policy. Tibetans inside Tibet are deprived of their fundamental rights and the situation inside Tibet remains grill till date. Hence, the Tibetan issue is not an ‘internal affair’ as China has repeatedly claimed but a critical concern of Tibetan existence”⁴. This eloquent rebuttal is a loss of face for China, which is already facing global censure for ‘Uighur genocide’.

Responding to China’s breach of Taiwan’s ADIZ and President Xi’s New Year’s address, saying “complete unification of ‘the motherland’ was an aspiration shared by people on both sides of Taiwan straits”, President Tsai Ing-Wen warned China. She said, “we must remind Beijing authorities not to misjudge the situation and to prevent the internal expansion of military adventurism”⁵.

Meanwhile, in continuation of its psych-ops war against India, China released a propaganda video of a flag rising ceremony allegedly at Galwan valley. The video which was posted by Chinese handles went viral on social media on the dawn of 2022. The day also marked the adoption of controversial border law. Amplifying the Chinese propaganda and underscoring the consequences of new border law, a section of Indian media and Rahul Gandhi lashed out at Indian government for failing to safeguard territorial integrity of the country.

Refuting the dubious video, three days later, Indian Army released pictures of soldiers hoisting Indian flag at the Galwan Valley. Incidentally, reports now indicate that Chinese social media, Weibo users pointed that CCP has used Chinese actors to shoot a video 28 kms behind Galwan River within the Chinese side on Dec 24^th for four hours⁶.

China has been using every trick in its playbook to provoke India. Disputing Chinese chicanery, India sharply reacted to China’s act of naming 15 places in Arunachal Pradesh and said, the state is an integral part of India and “assigning invented names to the places………. doesn’t alter this fact”⁷. Hitting out at China, MEA spokesperson said, “we hope that instead of engaging in such antics, China will work constructively with us to resolve the outstanding friction points in areas along the Western sector of the LAC in India-China border areas”.

Giving an earful to China, India took serious objection to the tone and tenor of the letters written by the political counsellor of Chinese embassy to Indian MPs. During the weekly briefing, MEA spokesperson said, “the Chinese side should note that India is a vibrant democracy and Honourable Members of Parliament as representatives of the people undertake activities as per their views and beliefs. We expect the Chinese side to refrain from hyping normal activities by activities of Honourable Members of Parliament and complicate further the situation in our bilateral relations”⁸.

With its hectoring behaviour, strong-arm tactics, contemptuousness towards international law, China has brazenly breached every rule of law. The despotic bully overpowered by hubris is now brazenly seeking to run over the sovereignties of vulnerable states. Throwing the peaceful rise paradigm to wind and unleashing muscular revisionism, it has opened several fronts. Unmindful of ever plummeting international repute, steered by “century of humiliation” China is marching ahead to realise “Chinese Dream”.

Certainly, nation states are in no mood to be cowed by the Chinese hubris and are resisting its coercion and calling the bluff of China’s “mutual respect” and “win-win cooperation”.

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Pakistan Cut to Size

On Dec 16^th, India celebrated the Swarnim Jayanti of Bangladesh Liberation war. The mere thought of the magnitude of victory of the 1971 Bangladesh War brings a glint of pride in every Indian’s eye. The unparalleled dominance of India in the war has been extensively studied, commented and reviewed. Every book on this war, brings a new perspective with it and adds to the existing pool of understanding about this war which has partitioned Pakistan. The book, “Pakistan cut to Size” by veteran war correspondent D. R. Manekar published in 1972 brings to fore the seamless coordination and cooperation between the different arms of Indian Defence force and delves into the contributions of the BSF, a six year old force then. Calling it the “Fourth Element”, the author talks about the crucial role played by the Border Security Force.

With impeccable brevity and eloquence, the author vividly portrays and rightly acknowledges the contributions of each and every ministry and department that has been instrumental in taking India an inch closer to a triumphant resurgence and ferocity. In line with the byline of the title of the book, “the authentic story of the 14-day Indo-Pak war”, the author lays emphasis on the pre-emptive strikes of Pakistan planned along the lines of Israel’s all out attack on Egypt. Israel’s complete annihilation of the Egyptian air power was the turning point which gave Israel a huge advantage. Replicating the same strategy, on Dec 3rd Pakistan launched a surprise attack on Indian airbases- Amritsar, Agra, Ambala, Awantipur, Bikaner, Halwara, Jodhpur, Jaisalmer, Pathankot, Burj, Srinagar, and Uttarlai under the Operation Chengiz Khan on and sounded the bugle.

But to the ignominy of Pakistan, which aimed to decimate Indian air power with the attack, Indian forces which have thoroughly studied the Israeli war tactics, managed to minimize the damage. Warranted by this provocation, Indian government ordered forces to cross the Eastern border and enter the East Bengal. Notwithstanding the initial provocation, Pakistan desperately tried to sell the idea of India as the aggressor at the UN. India demolished this false propaganda furnishing irrefutable evidence. Indeed, to escalate tension, prior to surprise attacks on the western frontier Pakistan jets attacked the Agartala base.

To avert military intervention by India in East Bengal, Pakistan’s Yayha Khan wanted to precipitate the issue at the UN. Accusing India of aggression amid the rising tide of guerilla activity in East Bengal, he wanted to demand a status quo. Backed by the US and China, Khan believed he could easily corner India. Russia exercised three vetoes throughout the episode of Pakistan’s oppression of East Bengal and repulsed Pakistan’s nefarious agenda.

As against the popular perception of India dismembering Pakistan, Yayha Khan masterminded the partition by rejecting people’s verdict and through naked tyranny. Undermining the legitimacy of a democratic elections, Khan arrested, imprisoned Sheikh Mujibhur Rahman and ruthlessly unleased force on Bengalis. To escaping the depredations of the oppressor army, Bengalis started seeking refuge in India. The trickle of Bengali migration over a period of times turned into an unending stream which in absolute numbers reached 10 million by November 1971. Piled up Bengali refugees posed a huge threat to the precarious economic situation of India and its socio-religious fabric.

Reeling under this tremendous burden, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi made a fervent appeal to the World Chancelleries. Instead of lending a sympathetic ear to Indian woes, World leaders attributed diabolical motives to India championing of Bangladesh cause. The response of cynics in the West has been, “but, why did you allow so many to come to your country? You could have stopped them at the border?” writes the author.

Even as Pakistan’s invading forces heaped unspeakable brutalities on Bangladesh, World leaders chose to side with Islamabad. As if vindicating Pakistan’s position, in May 1971, Henry Kissinger flew to Peking from Islamabad underlining a close collusion with China and Pakistan against India.

In response, India sealed a friendship treaty with Soviet Union on Aug 9^th with the article 9 of the treaty providing for consultation between the countries in case of war. On 23^rd October, as a last-ditch effort, Indira Gandhi made a world tour to seven Western capital cities only to be meted with indifference and apathy. Inexorably reiterating India’s position on Bangladesh, in an interview on Nov 2^nd, Mrs Gandhi said, “We in India are determined that we are not going to be saddled with another country’s problem. All refugees must go back”.

Finally on December 2^nd, declaring India’s resoluteness and refusal to yield to Pakistan’s game plan and in an apparent dig at the US, Mrs Gandhi stated, “Times have changed during the last five years. If any country thinks that by calling us aggressors it can pressurize us to forget our national interests then that country is living in its own paradise and it is welcome to it. Times have passed when any nation sitting 3000 to 4000 miles away could give orders to Indians on the basis of their colour superiority to do as they wished. India has changed and she is no more country of slaves. Today we will do what is best in our national interest and not what these so-called big nations would like us to do”.

Indeed, consolidating power in East Pakistan has been a pretext. Yayha Khan wanted to carve off Kashmir from India and deployed troops on Oct 12^th on the West and stoked tensions on the Western frontier. Around the same time, General AAK Niazi sealed the border of East Bengal and unleashed severe crackdown to cow down the Bengalis. This repression has intensified the resolve of Mukti Bahinis to launch guerilla attacks. They not only disrupted the communication system but shot down a Pakistan jet and sank two Pakistan warships.  By November they controlled a quarter of Bangladesh.

In the meanwhile, China declared support to Pakistan in any hostilities and inaugurated heavy machinery complex at Taxila. The nine-month period from March to December gave Indian Army time to perfectly plan and execute a strategy that gave them upper hand on both the eastern and western front. The liberation war with Pakistan in East Bengal has been a real test to Indian courage and perseverance. Recalled as “Battle of Obstacles” with a river every six miles, the army engineers emerged as the key to India’s forward movement. Engineers build pontoon bridges, put together baily and constructed long roads in matter of few hours making this an “Engineers War” as well.

India made quick gains, Navy and Airforce sealed off the East Bengal from West Pakistan and rest of the World by bombing off the runway and sinking four Pakistan war ships. Besides dispatching America’s gifted Ghazi submarine to the bottom of the seabed, Indian Navy and Airforce destroyed nearly 50% of Pakistan’s oil reserves and vanquished the Pakistan navy. Doggedly pursuing its target, India announced the recognition of Bangladesh in Parliament on Dec 6^th which is now celebrated as Maitri Diwas.

Opposing India’s move Pakistan immediately severed ties with India and US suspended $87 million economic aid. Defying the expectations of Pakistan which anticipated Indian attack along the highways, Indian forces stunned them by attacking from Tripura and travelling through the dirt tracks, marsh lands and rice fields. Paradropping troops by helicopters India extended its dominance on all the fronts- air, land and water. By Dec 10^th Major General Farman Ali Khan sent out a five-point plan for ceasefire and evacuation of West Pakistan civilians to the UN. But Yahya Khan countermanded the request on Dec 11^th. By Dec 14^th East Pakistan governor Dr AM Malin tendered his resignation.

Delaying Niazi’s appeals for ceasefire, Yahya Khan enjoined him to prevail expecting a bail out from America and China. Engulfed by Indian forces, ceding to General Mankeshaw’s surrender option, Gen AAK Niazi signed surrender papers on Dec 16^th at around 4:30 pm in presence of Lt Gen Jagjit Singh Aurora.

Pinning high hopes of trouncing Indian forces along the western frontier Yayha Khan amassed massive deployments along the border. While Pakistan gained the control of Chhamb close to Kashmir, India almost occupied 830 sq miles close to Shakargarh, south of Chhamb. By Dec 16^th, India was possession of 3000 sq miles of West Pakistan while Islamabad held 50 sq miles of Indian territory.

Aside the comprehensive overview of the geopolitical power play during the war, the book gives an account of invaluable role played by the three arms of Indian Defence, highlights the role of BSF in training the Mukti Yodhas, offering much needed succor to Bengali freedom fighters and serving as link between them and Indian sympathisers.

The author provides a brief account of the Mukti Bahini and other arms which has allied with Mukti Bahini for liberation of Bangladesh. Being a war correspondent, the book refers to various citations of World media agencies, their coverage and sheds light on Anderson paper which disclosed that President Nixon had no compunction to conclude that India was the guilty party. Indeed, US delayed Niazi’s message offering to ceasefire by 20 hours to Delhi. Underscoring American bigotry, author cites US Ambassador Mr. Kenneth Keating’s warning that if India did not, “cease aid to dissidents in East Pakistan, Pakistan would attack from the West”.

The book also enlists the ammunition and weapons provided by the West to Pakistan and tears into the dubious idealism of America, which proclaims to stand for democracy and liberty but conniving against India that stood up for these causes.

Pakistan deems every war with India as jehad. Even as World refuses to endorse this, Pakistan’s radio and television whipped up this hysteria. Creating a bizarre air of unreality, throughout the war, Pakistani army claimed that they were winning and they insisted that there were no losses whatsoever and reasoning, “in the pursuit of jehad, nobody dies. He lives forever!”

With its objectivity and frankness while India earned praise, disjointed statements and theatrical performance of Pakistan exposed its juvenility. Above all, by calling Mrs Gandhi as “that woman” and stating, “she is neither statesman or woman” Yayha Khan shocked the international community with his crude abuse and crass remarks.

Finally, by pulling troops by March 25^th 1972, India reaped the aplomb of the world by rightly standing for values. Covering much ground, this book provides a basic understanding about the 1971 Liberation War.

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Twilight in China

India and China are among the oldest civilizations of the World and always had an interesting relationship. Known to be resilient and vibrant, both the civilisations are held in high esteem till date for their rootedness. Despite the geographical proximity, Sino-Indian relations still remains a poorly researched and vastly understudied topic. With Sino-Indian standoffs becoming more frequent, posing a threat to the regional stability and peace, it is pertinent to delve into the dynamics and the chemistry of the Indo-Chinese ties. Historical underpinnings, socio-political and economic factors play a decisive role in deciphering and appreciating the contours of the relations.

Authored by the first foreign secretary of independent India, KPS Menon, the book “Twilight in China” precisely offers critical insights into how the two countries, India and China, weathered the exigencies of the geopolitical storm, the World War II and its aftermath. The book is essentially a collection of letters written towards the end of the World War II, with a brief overview to put the things into perspective. In 1942, British India established two diplomatic posts abroad-one in Washington and another in Chungkin, present day Chongqing and deputed Agent Generals Asif Ali and Sir Zafrulla Khan respectively. The choice of the first diplomatic posts started by the British inexorably point to the strategic interests of the allied powers.

Agent Generals of India are in turn expected to report to British Foreign Secretary Sir Olaf Caroe and Sir Hugh Weightman. After Zafrulla Khan left the post in 1943, KPS Menon succeeded him. Incidentally, after Jawaharlal Nehru formed the interim government in 1946, these diplomatic posts became full-fledged embassies and the Agent Generals became Ambassadors.

Deputed in China from 1943 to 1948, the book, an ensemble of Menon’s letters, documents a first account of intense internal and external turmoil faced by China, attempts to shed light on the interplay of policies of great powers. During the World War-II, China headed by the Nationalist government of Chiang Ki Shek sided with the allied powers to overthrow the Japanese. After invading Manchuria post Mukden incident in 1931, Japan extended its control over the Chinese east coast. Subsequently as the Japanese continued to breach the Chinese resistance; the government had to shift capital from Peking (Beijing) to Hankow (one of the three town which is now merged to become modern day Wuhan) to Chungking (Chongqing). By 1949 against the rising communist tide the nationalists led by Generalissimo Chiang abandoned Nanking and retreated to Canton before fleeing to Taiwan.

At a time when the World is staring at a second cold war amid increased confrontations between the US and China, the historical incidents of the World war-II documented in the book seems surreal. China was part of the Big Four that signed a short document on Jan 1^st 1942 which later on became the United Nations Declaration. Big Four included China plus the Allied power-US, UK and Soviet Union. US’s tactical alliance with China served the twin purposes of vanquishing Axis forces and extending its foot prints to the far-east. The rising Communist movement additionally prompted the US to co-opt China.

Towards the end of the World War-II when China stumbled to take on Communists, American Advisory Group (AAG) trained the Nationalist government forces to fight the communists. Besides strengthening the strangle hold over new territories and thwart the fascist regime, the mainstay of the War for the United States has been asserting ideological supremacy.

In their quest for geopolitical ambitions, the US took active interest in supporting the Nationalist government to curtail the undercurrent of communism that took Chinese people by storm. In the process, the US even transported ammunition from Manila and Okinawa to China and announced an aid of $300 million. But the Chinese considered it low and called it ‘drop in a bucket’ and US friendship undependable. Allies in their own interests spared no efforts to liberate China while Chiang concentrated on fighting the internal enemy. In fact, America poured into China many times the quantity of ammunition it supplied for war against Japan.

Moved by the plight of a badly managed Chinese economy and with a special interest in the far east, while the US extended lot of credit to China, the World and the allied powers remained unmoved by the worst Bengal famine of 1943. Indeed, wary of China’s collapse and to keep it a unified non-communist China, President Truman deputed General Marshall to China. He attempted to negotiate with -Kuomintang and Chinese Communist Party (CCP), assisted to broker ceasefire and proposed formation of unified government. But both sides failed to reach any agreement.

Exasperated by stubborn positions of both sides, Marshall leaves the US. He was replaced by General Wedemeyer, whose outspoken criticism provokes angry reactions which further resulted in a wave of anti-Americanism emotions. The end of US mediated negotiations renewed the Chinese civil war. Overpowered by guerilla tactics of Communists, the Nationalists eventually lose their bastions and finally retreat to Formosa (Taiwan). On October 1^st 1949, CCP announces the formation of Peoples Republic of China (PRC).

Menon’s wires eloquently highlight the socio-political developments in China leading up to the Civil war. Among his many observations, two main aspects are obvious: rampant corruption of the Nationalists resulting in US ammunition landing in the hands of Communists and little or no value to human life are very striking. Till date these twin features continue to riddle the Chinese society. The political system is still plagued by Corruption and the CCP’s despicable justification of official genocide of Uighurs rightly vindicates Menon’s impressions.

Menon’s critical analysis of China’s prominence in the geopolitical fulcrum during World War-II hits bullseye. Even his recommendations of the Indo-Chinese friendship for Asian solidarity makes the right noise. Suggestions to the British India of financial assistance to China saying- “Thy need is greater than mine” for building communication and rails reeked of unwarranted ingenuousness and undeserving generosity. During his five years of stay in China, Menon has cultivated excellent relations with Soong Sisters who have been influential in decision making and exerted tremendous political control.

Carrying the mantle of Chinese leadership, Chiang Ki Shek reinforced that “Destiny of China is integration of Mongolians, Manchurians and Tibetans as one”. Sadly, the Indian representative failed to assess the import of this vital pledge which has been integral to the DNA of the Han Chinese. Less than a year into the regime, even as Mao soldiers ransacked Tibet and annexed it, Menon at the helm of affairs as foreign secretary, offered a meek rationale of Britishers approving the suzerainty of China over Tibet. As an apologia, in the epilogue, he says, “India did not want to start on the wrong foot in its relations with China. It did not want to bequeath to future generations the kind of antagonism which France and Germany had inherited and which poisoned European history for centuries and turned Europe into a graveyard from time to time”.

Ironically, for all his rich lived experience in China, Menon should have alerted the Indian leadership of the consequences of a strong centralized Chinese government and its expansionist tendencies well in advance. On the contrary, despite the rude awakening of Tibet invasion, instead of adopting a hard-nosed approach, India sought umbrage of negotiations despite China’s maximalist position, spurious maps that claimed parts of Ladakh, incursions and highway construction through Aksai Chin.

Seeped in feckless idealism and lackadaisical approach while India was reluctant to recalibrate its approach, China silently extracted its pound of flesh. Indian bureaucrats including this author advocated bridging of gulf between India and China for Asian solidarity threw the basic threat to the sovereignty of the country to the wind. Thanks to the unrealistic ideological obsession, Indian diplomacy faltered at a very early stage and culminated in a humiliating defeat.

Recounting the missteps of India which led to deterioration of Indo-Chinese ties, Menon tries to defend the indefensible. He writes, “Nehru seemed personally disposed to negotiate on the frontier problem, but he gave up the idea and assumed an inflexible posture as a result of the opposition of some of his senior colleagues in the Cabinet and criticism in Parliament. The entire attitude adopted by Parliament during the crisis was unhelpful”.

He adds, “this is what happens when the Legislature tries to usurp the functions of the Executive. Some at least of the critics of our China policy were animated not so much by their burning patriotism as by their burning desire to embarrass Nehru, whose social and economic policies they disliked. And so, the very men who criticized our defence budget as unnecessarily excessive posed as the heroic advocates of the “forward policy” on the frontier”.

Hailing Nehru’s decision of taking Kashmir issue to the UN, Menon inanely remarks, “great powers would decide the issue based on its merits”. In line with his callowness, even after the 1962 Indo-China war, Menon sympathises Nehru’s leadership. It is thus a little wonder that surrounded by a coterie of yes men, unmindful of the long- term consequences Nehru has committed gravest blunders.  Among other things, while the book provides first hand information about the birth of the UN, rise of cold war, desperate Korean unification attempt, it also exposes the guilelessness, lack of tact and strategy of the bureaucrats who guided the decisions of the Indian leadership during the early days of independence.

By and large, the book captures the larger geopolitical strategies at play in this part of the World, with China as the centre stage during and in the immediate aftermath of World war-II. The book certainly makes for an interesting read for strategic affairs analysts and foreign policy enthusiasts.

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Inauguration of Kashi Vishwanath Corridor marks the revival of civilization consciousness

Kashi is inseparable from the ethos of Sanatana Dharma. Visiting Kashi at least once in a lifetime is an unwritten code for every dharmic Hindu. Kashi or Banaras is the abode of Avimukteshwar. It is believed that Bhagwan Shiva has come to Varanasi and established a residence with a pledge to not leave the place and hence the name Avimukta (means never to forsake this place). Interpreted differently it implies that Bhagwan Shiva is always present in this place. The name Avimukta which appears in Jabala Upanishad, called this place as an abode of Brahman or infinite. Indeed, considered as the city resting on the trident of Shiva, normal laws don’t apply to this place and anyone who dies in Kashi is believed to attain Moksha.

Known to exist since early vedic times, bound by river Varana and Asi rivers, the city came be to known as Varanasi. Since the city was rebuilt and expanded by King Kasha, it is also called as Kaashi. Spiritual importance of this place is unparalleled in Indian civilization.

अयोध्या मथुरा माया काशी कांची अवंतिका।

पुरी द्वारावती चैव सप्तैता मोक्षदायिकाः॥

Kashi is listed among seven other places considered as Mokshapuri (bestower of Moksha or Liberation). The list includes- Ayodhya, Mathura, Maya (Mayapuri or Haridwar), Kanchi, Avantika (Ujjain), Puri and Dwaravati or Dwaraka. Thus inexorably, Kashi has been the cornerstone of Hindu civilization. It is for this this reason, to subjugate the Bharatamandala and humiliate Hindus as idolaters the invaders repeatedly assaulted all the places the indigenous civilization held in highest esteem.

Kashi has been worst victim of this orgy of brutal vandalism, which the invaders loved to celebrate. Unfortunately for India, even after independence, meted with the reluctance and lament of the leadership that derided and discouraged any attempt to reclaim past glory, any pursuit to restore the iconic symbols of Hindu civilization remained a pipe dream.

Hemmed by the whammy of slavery and colonialism for centuries, Hindus have turned apologetic about their faith. After independence, fed on a heady cocktail of secularism and the despicable appeasement finding no recourse to even resurrect their civilizational identity, Hindus silently disowned and abjured their transgenerational trauma.

Accusing any campaign or drive to reclaim the past as an attempt to disrupt communal harmony of the society, the political leadership of the country effectively weakened any new awakening. Despite being the majority, all endeavours of the Hindus to revitalize and resuscitate their civilization was critically looked down upon as an unwarranted threat to the borrowed western concept of secularism.

Against these odds, the Hindus unlike other indigenous civilisations, refused to give in. They began to consciously cultivate an awareness towards the civilizational ethos of the land. While the latent realization gained a critical mass through the Ramajanmabhoomi movement, devoid of any iota of furtherance by the political leadership, restoration of the places of worship remained a distant dream.

It is in this context the inauguration of the Kashi Vishwanth Corridor by Prime Minister can be reckoned as prodigious movement for the Hindus. Headed by leaderships, who refused to proudly wear their faith on sleeves, Hindus predominantly remained so reticent about their identity. Even as the symbol of subjugation, Gyanavapi mosque still hovers over at the Western side of the temple corridor, the refurbishment of the hallowed Baba Vishwanath Mandir built by Rani Ahilya Bhai Holkar and adorned with gold gifted by Maharaja Ranjit Singh assumes great significance.

By expanding the 3000sq ft of the temple premises swamped by narrow lanes and by lanes with dangerously dangling live wires into a huge corridor of 5 lakh feet endowed with all facilities behooving an epochal temple radiating divinity, Modi has essentially enhanced the vibrancy of this dharmic space. Needless to say, dharmic spaces, brimming with radiance and endowed with essential attributes of a temple can serve as nodal point for flourishment of dharma.

Huge temples in ancient India besides being repositories of sampradaya served as centres for fine arts, culture and education. Thus, huge temple corridors in contemporary times can essentially rekindle new reverence and propel the new generation to rediscover their roots and explore the depths of the Hindu civilization.

Thriving dharmic space can be an essential shield against the violent usurpation of the indigenous civilization from the proselyting forces as well. Unlike other dharmic spaces, Kashi is etched in civilizational memory as a hallowed spot considered integral to Hindu civilization. Thus, the herculean task of reclaiming and restoring the glory of the place is nothing short of reviving the civilizational consciousness of Bharat.

Centuries of Muslim invasions has strangulated the consciousness of a vibrant civilization and forced it to be apologetic about its roots and identity. By celebrating our asmita and calling out the monstrosity of Aurangzeb Modi’s unvarnished account of the Kashi’s history has smashed the neo-liberal accounts of Mughal eulogy into smithereens. Infusing emotions into words, rummaging through Kashi’s tryst with barbaric invasions and assaults, Modi said, “Kashi Avinashi hai (Kashi is immortal). Invaders attacked this city, tried to destroy it but Kashi withstood every attack as sultanates rose and fell. History is witness to Aurangzeb’s atrocities, his terror. He tried to change civilization by the sword. He tried to crush culture with fanaticism. But the soil of this country is magical. Here if an (Mughal Emperor) Aurangzeb comes, a (Maratha warrior) Shivaji also emerge”¹.

In the same vein he said, “If any Salar Masood moves here, then brave warriors like Raja Suheldev make the invader feel the power of unity”. The brutal takedown of decades of orchestrated history that dominated the academic curriculum and prevaricated scholarship has offered a much needed solace to a civilization whose historical injustices are yet to find a redressal.

Lest the analysts would denominate this feat as a larger electoral game plan, then what stopped the previous leaderships from resuscitating numerous civilizational spots in India. Be what it may, with the masterly execution of Kashi Corridor project, beautification of Somnath, brick laying ceremony at Ayodhya and unveiling the statue of Adi Shankara statue at Kedarnath, Modi’s Indic projects have augured well for the Hindu renaissance that is finding its feet.

Starkly, these developments have ignited an outrage that reminded of Nehru reaction, “Iam wary of Hindu revivalism” to restoration of Somnath. In response K.M. Mushi said, “Yesterday you referred to Hindu revivalism. You pointedly referred to me in the Cabinet as connected with Somanth. I am glad you did so; for I do not want to keep back any part of my views or activities… I assure you that the ‘Collective Subconscious’ of India today is happier with the scheme of reconstruction of Somnath…than with many other things that we have done and are doing”².

With several places of worship still to be liberated and divested of the vestiges of fanatical vandalization, reclaiming the Hindu civilisation is a work in progress. The Kashi Vishwanath Corridor is a first step in the right direction.

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