Modi lays foundation for a stable maritime order with Indonesia

Indonesia, the largest archipelago, comprising of over 17,000 islands, straddling both Indian and Pacific Ocean, busy in nation building hardly evinced great interest in formulating a long term maritime policy till 2014. China’s contentious maritime forays, its relentless reclamation of geographical features in South China Sea (SCS), aggressive territorial contestations with fictitious nine-dash line and inauguration of Maritime Silk Route (MSR) prompted ASEAN countries to buttress their maritime autonomy. In response to Dragon’s aggressive assertions, Indonesian President Joko Widodo, unveiled a maritime policy, Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) at East Asia Summit, Nay Pyi Daw in 2014. GMF, a balancer to OBOR (One Belt One Road) besides enhancing the interconnectivity between islands envisions to protect maritime resources, strengthen maritime security, turning Indonesia into a formidable regional maritime power.

Days ahead of Prime Minister Modi’s visit to India, the visiting Indonesian delegation headed by coordinating minister for Maritime Affairs, Luhut Pandjaitan, prepared ground for strong bilateral maritime cooperation between two countries. Reiterating Indonesian resolve to bolster maritime diplomacy, he announced Jakarta is granting India, economic and military access to strategic Sabang port in Aceh province. Responding to Indonesian outreach, highlighting maritime closeness, Prime Minister Modi was supposed to travel to Sabang port by ship to inaugurate a hospital and port development facilities. But the plans were dropped due to poor weather. Sabang also known as Weh Island, located at northern tip of Sumatra, 80 nautical miles away from Andaman Islands is less than 500 km from strategic choke point, Malacca Strait through which 40% of India’s trade passes. Sabang, a group of islands having rudimentary port facilities is capable of hosting submarines with its water reaching a depth of 40 mts. With Sabang joining India’s illustrious list of ports with granted military access, Indian Coast line will now extend form Seychelles to Indonesia.

Earlier in 2016, on Widodo’s state visit to India, both countries agreed to enhance maritime cooperation and laid ground for deepening of ties. Subsequently, India and Indonesia held joint naval exercises in 2017.  Indeed, in the joint statement released in 2016, both leaders took cognisance of burgeoning Chinese posturing the region and stressed on the need for resolving the disputes peacefully in accordance to universally accepted principles of international law like UNCLOS. Though both countries are not party to the disputes, China’s reluctance to abide by rules-based order, its penetrative expansionism coupled with waning American influence as security provider in the region has prompted India and Indonesia, closet maritime neighbours to resurrect neglected ties.

Complementing the vision of GMF, Prime Minister Modi who is diligently buttressing Indian maritime presence, embarked on a two-day visit on May 29^th to Indonesia boosting India’s Act East Policy. India and Indonesia share long standing cultural and trade relations of two millennia old. Historical evidences indicate that Indian traders set foot on Indonesia in 1^st Century and subsequently, Hinduism and Buddhism travelled to Indonesia from shores of India and thrived there. Indonesia finds a mention in Ramayana referred to as Yadawadwipa. Significant chunk of population in Bali and Sulawesi island even now follow Hindu culture. Bordudur and Parambanan temples gloriously reflect the Hindu-Buddhist influences that exist in Archipelago. With the advent of Arabian travellers to Indonesia in 9^th century, Islam became the most popular religion by 13^th century. Interestingly, while Indonesia is majorly a Muslim country, it jealously guarded Indic influences rooted in Ramayana and Mahabharata.  Showcasing the strong civilizational connect between the two countries, both Prime Ministers participated, and inaugurated Kite Exhibition themed on Ramayana and Mahabharata at Jakarta’s national monument. Indonesia indeed, had Bhagvan Ganesh, who is considered God of education on its currency earlier. It being holy month of Ramzan, both leaders paid visit to Istiqlal Mosque, national Mosque of Indonesia and Arjuna Vijaya Chariot Statue.

India and Indonesia which had similar colonial history, post-independence goals of sovereignty, economic development, self-sufficiency maintained cordial relations in the modern times. The legendary political camaraderie of Jawaharlal Nehru and Sukarno laid the foundation for the Non-Aligned Movement and the Asia-Africa Bandung conference of 1955, which extended vocal support to African national movement. While these leaders dreamed of a maritime cooperation in Indian Ocean, it hasn’t turned into a reality. President Sukarno graced India’s first Republic Day celebrations and both countries signed friendship treaty in 1951. In 1958, New Delhi and Jakarta signed an agreement for training and attachment of Naval officers. In 1974, countries signed a maritime boundary agreement demarcating Nicobar and Sumatra islands. After a period of lull, in bilateral ties, upon drastic recalibration of Indian foreign policy in 1990s and launch of Look East Policy, India opened doors for extensive engagement with ASEAN countries. Indonesian participation in the multilateral biennial MILAN exercise since 1995 marked a significant renewal of India’s maritime contacts with Jakarta. Both countries began to conduct coordinated naval patrolling (CORPAT) in Andaman Sea since 2002. By 2005, both countries established strategic partnership and charted a Vision 2025 statement in 2011. Now, Modi’s Act East Policy with a renewed focus of rebuilding ties with ASEAN has broadened the paradigm of maritime cooperation.

Upgrading bilateral ties to Comprehensive strategic Partnership, both countries signed “Shared Vision on Maritime Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific between India and Indonesia”. The document first with any ASEAN country, attested growing significance of the term Indo-Pacific instead of Asia-Pacific in geopolitical narrative and underscored similar perspectives of both nations towards evolving stable regional maritime order. It outlined importance of combined maritime region of both countries with huge coastlines and vast exclusive economic zone that has immense potentialities for global maritime trade and commerce. It called for adherence to 1982 UN Convention on the Law of Sea (UNCLOS) and 1976 Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in South East Asia (TAC).

In a direct reference to China’s refusal to abide by international rules and its opaque global connectivity initiative that has ensnared nations into a debt-trap, the vision document reiterated the importance of “free, open, transparent, rules-based, peaceful, prosperous and inclusive Indo-Pacific region, where sovereignty, territorial integrity, international law and in particular UNCLOS, freedom of navigation and overflight, sustainable development and an open, free, fair and mutually beneficial trade and investment system are respected”. It also stressed on importance of maritime safety, security for sustainable economic growth and development in the Indo-Pacific region. Recognising the importance of blue economy, both countries agreed to deepen convergences and complementarities under India’s SAGAR (Security for Growth for all in the region) and Indonesia’s GMF.

Like India, pluralistic society of Indonesia is facing threats of Islamic radicalisation. A fortnight back, Indonesia was rocked by a wave of Church bombings that killed 13 people and left several injured on Ramzan eve. As against majoritarian belief of Ramzan as period of charity and reflection, radical extremists consider attacks committed during the month as holy. Investigations confirmed that perpetrators were former IS associates and recent returnees from Syria. Indonesia, like India which calls for Zero-tolerance on terror acts, appealed for enhanced cooperation in counter terrorism and sharing of intelligence. Both leaders called for expeditious finalization of Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism (CCIT). To eradicate radicalism and promote pluralism both countries are going to organise interfaith dialogue starting with Indonesia in October 2018. Leaders agreed on working towards disruption of terror networks, fraudulent finance conduits, and cross-border movement of terrorists.

Under the new comprehensive strategic partnership, leaders called for exploring the potentialities of deepening cooperation in defence, including joint defence manufacturing, training of cadets, trade, commerce, investments, pharmaceutical manufacture, space, science, technology.  Both countries signed 15 MoU’s in above mentioned fields. In a massive fillip to strengthening people to people contact and tourism, Letters of Intent are signed on Sister Province between Bali and Uttarakhand and commenced World Heritage Twinning Program of Candi Prambanan and Taj Mahal.

Indonesia is India’s largest trade partner in ASEAN. India is second largest buyer of Palm oil and Coal from Indonesia. Both India and Indonesia are now fastest growing economies and a greater economic cooperation between both countries would be highly beneficial. Bilateral trade volume as of 2016-17 is $17 billion and efforts are on to double bilateral trade by 2025. In a big boost to trade and tourism, countries are planning to enhance connectivity between Andaman and Nicobar Islands and Provinces in Sumatra. Modi in his address to Indian Diaspora announced 30-day free visa for Indonesians and highlighted the style of functioning of his government as “corruption-free, citizen centric, development friendly”.

While much anticipated, plausible trilateral maritime cooperation between India, Indonesia and Vietnam, another ASEAN country vocal about Chinese expansion is not mooted, leaders welcomed the first trilateral senior officials strategic dialogue between India-Indonesia and Australia in November 2018. Hailing this idea, Professor Medcalf said, “This development shows that India and Indonesia are beginning to creatively use their geography to position themselves at the core of the new regional structures that Australia can link with, that Australia can play into”. Coming together of like-minded democracies and middle power regions definitely offers an alternative to Chinese hegemony and America’s retraction from global platform.

Indonesia like other ASEAN countries is wary of China’s militarisation of maritime domain.  Though Indonesia is not part of China’s SCS dispute, the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) of its Natuna Islands overlaps with the Nine-dash line. Asserting its legal claims over the region, Indonesia in July 2017 renamed the waters northeast of Natuna Islands as North Natuna Sea. Though this moved irked China, Indonesia softly balanced its relations by inking infrastructure development projects. Since 2016 trespassing of Chinese ships into Indonesian EEZ have become more frequent. Indonesian Navy has even arrested some of the trawlers and beefed up patrolling in the region. As a message to China, Widodo travelled to the military base at Ranai on Nutuna Islands. Given, China’ s history of violating international laws, Indonesia began reaching out to countries like Japan, India and the US. Like the ASEAN countries, Indonesia started realising the strategic benefits of forging closer ties with India. To counter aggressive China, Indonesia has now turned to India to revamp long ignored maritime ties.  This newfound resurgence among resident nations of Indian Ocean Region, according to C. Raja Mohan, Strategist, will eventually pave way for “an extraordinary power shift in Asia”. Clearly, Modi on his first state visit to Indonesia laid a firm foundation for a new maritime order amidst “great power contestations” in Asia.

@ Copyrights reserved.