Tuesday 8 December 2015

China’s overseas military base at Djibouti: A Prelude to String of Bases


China reached yet another milestone by establishing its first ever military base, a logistics facility to service military vessels in the horn of the Africa, Djibouti. In a major effort to assert its growing international stature China under the leadership of President Xi Jinping, who championed to strengthen and expand its military reach across the globe acquired the military base in Djibouti 4000 miles away from its land. By virtue of its strategic geographic location, Djibouti with a population of 900,000 is also home to the lone US military base in Africa. For several decades, China proclaimed that establishing overseas military base is akin to seeking hegemony and interference in internal affairs of other countries. Beijing maintained that it will refrain from such activities. But last week, China signed 10 years lease agreement to set up naval base Djibouti enabling it to gain access to Persian Gulf.

China’s interests in Africa are augured by its aspirations of gaining a vantage position in the Indian Ocean region. As a part of this strategy, China spent millions of dollars in development of infrastructure in Djibouti and even laid a rail road that connects it to Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, a land locked country with numerous Chinese investment projects. China is the largest trading partner of Africa with trade volume surpassing $200 billion (thrice US-Africa trade).

Ever since occupying the high seat of power in November 2012, President Xi had ambitiously envisaged to revamp its 2.3 million strong military force. In a bid to overhaul the military and introduce reforms, he first launched an intense campaign against corruption and subsequently enhanced military budget which according to Congressional research service study is about $ 145 billion. All the while China has been highly critical of America’s approach of establishing overseas military bases. But now it is busy defending its own position under the pretext of safeguarding its navigational freedom and aiding in crucial antipiracy operations. Though China frequently bespeaks of its peaceful rise and lack of expansionist attitude its unquenchable thirst of building overseas military installations reminds of typical US style of naval suffusion.

US in the meanwhile is concerned as the new base is quite close to its Camp Lemonnier base home to 4000 armed personnel  that carries out counter terrorism operations. US has recently extended its lease for 20 years with Djibouti. France too has a base in Djibouti and Japan which participates in UN antipiracy operations also stations its surveillance aircrafts and personnel there. Djibouti also hosts Pakistan and Italian military troops.

Djibouti the former French colony near Gulf of Aden has become hot-bed for overseas military installations firstly for its stable regime in the relatively volatile African East Coast and for its geographical location. It lies on the Bab el-Mandeb Straits, a gateway to Red Sea and Suez Canal, one of the busiest shipping routes. It is less than 20 miles away from the war ravaged Yemen and acts as an ideal base for international operations. China sealed an agreement to pay $100 million as annual rent for using Djibouti base, where 700 troops were stationed to protect its oil interests in South Sudan (1).

China steadily entered the Indian Ocean region under the guise of helping in anti-piracy operations is now expanding its foothold in the Indian Ocean region. While the Somalian piracy trouble has long disappeared, China continues to extend its presence by wooing the Indian Ocean Littoral countries. Its generous infrastructure bounties and soft credit lines to Maldives, Sri Lanka are also part of this larger strategy. In fact China established its presence in Arabian Sea and Indian Ocean by undertaking major development projects of Gwadar Port in Pakistan and Hambantota port of Sri Lanka. The large part of the schematic presence of China in western Indian Ocean will focus on military operations other than the war (MOOTW). Presence in Djibouti will enable China to respond to contingencies of the freedom of navigation in the Persian Gulf region. China intends to develop a string of naval bases in the Indian Ocean region to protect its Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) and eventually expand its naval presence too. Now that US dependence of oil imports from the Arabian region has reduced, it questions US presence in the Gulf and aspires to replace its position. By and large China seems to have officially unveiled its “string of naval bases” pursuit with Djibouti logistics facility (Chinese preferred name for a base).

New Delhi can hardly afford to ignore the lurking presence and explicit augmentation of Chinese maritime capabilities in its realm of influence. But India’s depleting naval assets and inadequate replenishment of maritime resources should be a cause for major concern. Moreover, India shouldn’t go by Chinese theatrics of “no military ambition in Djibouti”, for it has mastered the art of subterfuge. Djibouti is clearly a new beginning, a preview to the larger panorama of China’s geopolitical ambitions.
 
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