Modi Draws New Red Lines

Communication clears cobwebs. For all its good work, the current dispensation suffered from a serious setback regarding timely communication. Learning from the past, perhaps, after the launch of Operation Sindoor, the government held timely press briefings to dispel the false narratives.

Factoring in political parties' vexatious demand for evidence and catering to Indians and global players, the briefings were unveiled, comprising the foreign secretary and representatives of the armed forces. This reinforced India’s credentials as a vibrant democracy- a civilian government at the helm in tandem with a robust military is committed to safeguarding the sovereignty and territorial integrity.

The PIB worked overtime to flag fake news at regular intervals.  However, the news of the ‘stoppage of firing’ between India and Pakistan by President Trump caused a pang of disappointment in Indians. The news quickly bred interpretations of New Delhi buckling under American pressure for a trade deal. Amid wild speculations, Pakistan’s relentless drone attacks on civilian areas have heightened the anxieties of New Delhi losing the upper hand. Though the Indian government, within a couple of hours, declared giving armed forces free rein to retaliate, people were left in the lurch.

Indeed, India rejected Trump’s claims of negotiating (helping) India and Pakistan in brokering a truce by offering trade incentives. On the contrary, India proposed retaliatory tariffs on American products to counter duties on steel and aluminium. So, the trumped-up accusations of cowering to US pressure for a trade deal are fallacious.

The matrix of conflict has several layers to it; however, the foremost in terms of narrative building is the information warfare. Gauging the public mood, the government unveiled a new format of press briefing by DGMOs of the Indian forces to keep people informed about the Operation Sindoor. Hearing from the horse's mouth made a difference. This authentic information dispelled the myth and the rhetoric peddled by the leftist ecosystem and hypernationalists on social media that raised its ugly head in the aftermath of the de-escalation with Pakistan. Dissonance in the face of a national crisis would be troubling.

Turning around the mood of the nation, PM Modi, in one of the most powerful speeches of his career, delivered a cogent and firm message. Eloquently articulating a defence policy framework, he laid out the Modi Doctrine. Firmly asserting India’s zero-tolerance policy, Operation Sindoor has effectively delivered on its set objectives of striking at the roots of the terror. The retaliatory strikes by Pakistan in response to Indian attacks on terrorist camps have demonstrably established the Pakistan military as the defender of terrorists. It has also busted the myth of terrorists as ‘non-state actors’ of Pakistan, as the entire state machinery was mobilised to launch retaliatory strikes on India.

Since the Uri strikes of 2016, India has steadily stepped up the scale and expanse of the retributive strikes. In fact, the 2019 Pulwama strikes firmed up India’s resolve to abrogate Article 370, paving the way for complete integration of Jammu & Kashmir with the Indian state. With every terror attack, India increased the cost and caution for Pakistan. The targeted killing of Hindu pilgrims at Reasi, coinciding with PM Modi’s third term inauguration, signalled a new shift. This tested attempt unfolded in a barbarous form at Pahalgam, where Hindus were segregated and brutally killed. This incident became the tipping point of India’s threshold. Operation Sindoor, launched to deliver justice for Pahalgam victims, turned out to be suicidal for Pakistan.

Pakistan targeted temples, gurdwaras, schools and civilians. In a glaring act of provocation, Pakistan also targeted Indian military bases. This elicited an aggressive response from India. IAF struck Pakistani airbases, located in the heart of Pakistan severely crippling its air logistics and air defence systems. A rattled Pakistan then turned to the world.

Busting the myth of Pakistan’s nuclear shield, India’s conventional warfare superiority brought Pakistan to its knees. Compelled by the sheer dominance of the Indian military might, Pakistan pleaded for de-escalation. India obliged after Pakistan pledged to refrain from any sort of terror activities or military audacity. However, global spin doctors siding with Pakistan’s misinformation propaganda turned India’s triumph in its counterterrorism campaign into a victory for Pakistan.

Which country on earth, after suffering irreparable damages to its prided air force, could declare a victory? Even Austrian air military historian Tom Cooper’s analysis vindicated Indian claims. He declared, “India’s recent air campaign against Pakistan a clear-cut victory”.

Choosing to remain in the background, PM Modi demonstrated a rare political will to strike at every place from where the roots of terror emerged. Leading the Operation Sindoor from planning to execution, PM Modi set a new benchmark in India’s fight against terrorism. Alongside, he tightened counter-terrorism doctrine by declaring “any future act of terror on Indian soil will be considered as an act of war against the country”.

In his address to the nation, PM Modi eloquently dismantled the false bravado of the Pakistan military and its hyped-up defence capabilities. Hailing India’s demonstrated effectiveness of indigenous defence capabilities, Modi applauded the valour, courage and bravery of Indian tri-service forces. India has set a new normal by raising the bar of retaliatory strikes. Modi pledged that “India will strike precisely and decisively at the terrorist hideouts” and rebuked the “nuclear blackmail” of Pakistan. Stating India will no longer differentiate between the government sponsoring terrorism and the masterminds of terrorism, Modi warned Pakistan of strict action if terrorism emerges from its soil.

In a hard-hitting message to Pakistan, which encourages terrorism, Modi laid down new non-negotiables-“terror and talks cannot go together… terror and trade cannot go together… Water and blood cannot flow together”. Taking off the issue of Jammu &Kashmir from the table, Modi categorically stated, “if there are talks with Pakistan, it will be only on terrorism; and if there are talks with Pakistan, it will be only on Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK)”.

Modi also highlighted the need for unity in the face of Pakistan's insidious attempts to sow disaffection and break the harmony, and elucidated that the path of peace goes through the path of power. To live in peace, India must become powerful and fulfil the dream of Viksit Bharat. He also asserted India’s right to retaliate should Pakistan continue to weaponise cross-border terrorism.

 In war, truth is the first casualty. With his hard-hitting speech, Modi exposed Pakistan’s terror machinery and its umbilical connection with its military to the world. With his timely national address, Modi emphatically demolished the global disinformation and silenced the unhinged, cringeworthy rhetoric of the social media warriors and influencers.

PM Modi also made an unannounced visit to the Adampur airbase to express India’s gratitude to the IAF. Modi addressed the airmen with the MiG-29 fighter and S400 missile defence in the background. The images of Modi that went viral had successfully busted the fake news propaganda of Pakistan, which claimed to have destroyed the S-400 with a Chinese JF-17 hypersonic missile.

Operation Sindoor has positioned India as a fearless, unyielding and assertive nation. India’s military superiority, decisive response are unsettling its adversaries and piquing the anxiety of Western policy makers and analysts.

Operation Sindoor: A Testament to India’s New Strategic Resolve

After the barbaric Pahalgam attack, terrorists told a shell-shocked wife, “Go, tell Modi. This is why we spared you!!”. A fortnight later, India delivered a befitting reply. In one of its boldest strikes in 50 years, India conducted airstrikes on Pakistan under “Operation Sindoor”, a name given by PM Modi. Religious profiling of a heinous kind shook the collective psyche of the nation. The headshots on civilians from close range in front of their wives and children, a chilling provocation, reignited the transgenerational trauma of Hindu Indians.

At a time when Bharat is taking baby steps towards reclaiming and reasserting its civilisational identity with the political dispensation at the helm subtly favouring it, this barbaric massacre stoked fears of a looming threat from an intolerant ideology. Sanatana Dharma or Hinduism is the defining civilisational identity of Bharat. With an assault on its identity, the perpetrators deliberately chose to breach a ‘Red Line’ that stoked fears and attempted to exploit communal dissensions.

Brewing outrage warranted strong government action against the perpetrators of the Pahalgam attack. Refusing to ‘forgive and forget,’ the government immediately unveiled a panoply of retaliatory measures—diplomatic, economic and strategic. This also included the deferment of the Indus Water Treaty (IWT), a treaty that withstood the 1965, 1971 and 1991 wars. Upping the diplomatic and strategic fronts, India built up pressure.

Refraining from jingoism and name-calling, PM Modi delivered a pointed message saying, “India will identify, trace and punish every terrorist and their backers. We will pursue them to the ends of the Earth. India’s spirit will never be broken by terrorism. Terrorism will not go unpunished”. Vowing to deliver justice, India launched airstrikes on nine places in a span of 25 minutes. The 21 missile strikes have reduced the terrorist safe havens to rubble. The targets include the headquarters and recruitment centres of Jaish-e-Mohammed, Lashkar-e-Toiba and Hizbul Mujahideen, eliminating close to 100 terrorists.

Upping the game and keeping the expectant Pakistan guessing, India has steadily escalated the wargames and blown up its terror ecosystem operating from within the precincts of Indian territory. At a place and time of its choosing, India struck the terrorist sites. Aptly named as “Operation Sindoor” to avenge the irreparable loss suffered by the Hindu women.  The Sindoor, which the perpetrators ridiculed, became their nemesis.

The Modi government has set a precedent of retaliatory action with surgical strikes post the Uri attack and the Balakot airstrikes. The retaliatory kinetic action to avenge the attacks on military personnel in both cases was restricted to a single location. Expanding the ambit, India struck four locations in POJK and five in Pakistan, including the Punjab province, the unimpeachable fortress of the Pakistani military ecosystem. India is now steadily escalating the costs for Pakistan.

Effectively running down the nuclear threat card played by Islamabad, India, is broadening the scope for conventional warfare. Playing to its strengths, India has extracted its pound of flesh by hitting the terrorist camps. With precision strikes on the terror camps, India has narrowed the scope of escalatory strikes from Pakistan. Attacks on military bases and civilian infrastructure would take the conflict to the next level. With this, India has shifted the onus of escalation to Pakistan.

Joined at the hip, the Pakistani military and terror ecosystem are integrally intertwined. Dozens of Indian dossiers submitted to the UNSC have inexorably established these links. Pakistan strategically deployed these ‘non-state actors ’ against India and Afghanistan to export terrorism. Cultivated, nurtured and financed by Pakistan, these terrorist outfits have been ‘expendables’, often thrown under the bus to present a victimhood image before the Western world.

By pounding these terrorist dens, India has exposed the double game of Pakistan. For decades, big powers and Muslim countries stonewalled Indian efforts to expose the state-sponsored terrorism of Pakistan and the concomitant economic sanctions imposed on rogue nations. Countries safeguarded Pakistan, a useful vassal state, from international scrutiny. China watered down every attempt of New Delhi to proscribe Pakistani terrorists as global terrorists.

Making a grand detour from this vainglorious effort to unveil the Pakistan fount of terrorism through dysfunctional multilateral forums, India began taking Rawalpindi to task with quick retaliatory strikes. Along with imposing definite costs for terrorist attacks, India is holding Pakistan accountable for the conflicts, producing incontrovertible evidence. The press meeting held by the Indian Army post Operation Sindoor has eloquently presented the Indian side of the story. Backing the evidence with facts, devoid of rhetoric, through plain speak and undeniable horror wreaked on India, New Delhi has exposed Pindi’s Ghazwa-e-Hind.

From the beginning, India's leadership vowed to serve justice to the bereaved families in the Pahalgam incident. Delivering on its promise, India extracted retribution and reaffirmed that ‘every single life matters’. The airstrikes underscored India’s military edge over Pakistan and pushed Islamabad on the defensive.

The visuals of terror dens reduced to rubble have put the prestige and bravado of the Pakistani army at stake. Inaction would further damage the eroding Pakistani Army’s image. The element of surprise in Indian strikes has heightened unpredictability and an incalculable threat of incursion. By wielding a variety of non-military retaliatory measures, India is suffusing Pakistani policy with an element of ‘vulnerability’.

These retaliatory strikes are a ‘calculated and measured response’, and are not by means a permanent deterrence. Pakistan would retaliate. It is evident from the Indian announcement of airstrikes as the first phase of Operation Sindoor. Rooted in the two-nation theory, which is irreconcilably anti-India, peaceful co-existence with Pakistan is a distant nightmare. To put down, this avowed India’s enemy, New Delhi has to evolve a long-term deterrent policy that can impose heavy costs on Pakistan to curtail the cross-border terrorism.

Pakistan is banking on its strategic geographic location and non-state actors to the hilt to earn the favour of the World powers. Above all, Islamabad also wields the Islamic card to garner the support of the OIC nations. Given the cumulative advantages Pakistan continues to enjoy, no single measure can effectively deter Pakistan for a long time. To impose heavy costs for its terrorist activities and anti-India agenda, New Delhi must charter a multi-pronged approach to throttle Pakistan’s economy and deplete its strategic manoeuvrability. Exploiting India’s ethno-religious faultlines and co-opting public intellectuals to destabilise India. New Delhi should contemplate paying back Islamabad in the same coin.

India’s extreme restraint, measured response and choice of strikes markedly stood out amid Pakistan’s bombastic nuclear threat. Indian leadership displayed rare courage and unique statesmanship in the run-up to Operation Sindoor. Giving a free hand to the Indian Military, adopting a whole government approach launching comprehensive strikes, India has shed diffidence. This strategic assertiveness is an indirect message to China.

Claiming to be a victim of terrorism, Pakistan Army officials attended the funeral of US-designated terrorist Abdul Rauf, killed in Operation Sindoor.

Double-speak thy name and terrorism thy game, it is high time, the world recognises Pakistan for what it is- A Mothership of Terrorism.

Time for a Strong Response Against Incorrigible Pakistan

A pall of gloom has descended on the nation. The Pahalgam terror attack has shaken the nation, lulled into complacency of ‘sab changa si’. The targeted attack on Hindus is reminiscent of the Chittisinghapura attack of 2000 during President Bill Clinton’s India visit, in which 36 Sikhs were killed. Incidentally, the Pahalgam attack that killed 26 Hindus coincided with the ongoing US Vice President J.D. Vance’s India tour. Apart from the geopolitical signalling, what has struck the collective conscience is the selectivity of the attack and a potent threat to Hindus living in their own motherland.

Hindus were singled out, identified, forced to recite Kalima and then killed in cold blood. From the earliest Islamist invasions of the 8^th century till the dastardly Pahalgam terrorist attack, the template hasn’t changed. Script and intent remaining the same, advanced military weapons replaced the razor-sharp swords of medieval times. After confirming the religious identity of individuals, bullets were pumped into their chests of the tourists holidaying in Kashmir for “not being Muslim”.

While the pattern is not new, every targeted terror attack, braying for Hindu blood, descends the majority into numbness. Helpless rage surges as the burden of shouldering secular identity is thrust only on one community, which is expected to put up with the intolerance.

Before people could even recover from this chilling incident and ruthless extremism, the usual suspects are at work whitewashing the dastardly crime. Elite liberals, doubling up as terrorist sympathisers, justified the attacks. Accusing the government of Hindutva, they swiftly rationalised the ghastly attack.

Buried within this opaque liminal clutter of gibberish is an undeniable truth. The terror attack is nothing but a Hindu-Muslim issue. Reluctant to call a spade a spade, intellectuals continue to churn out several rationalist theories. Partition of India along the religious lines attests to this inexorable truth.

Despite conceding 33% of land in partition, rooted in the two-nation theory, founded on an intolerant ideology which killed over 8 million, peace eluded India. Even before the partition ink was dry, Pakistan unleashed attacks on India. Starting from the Kabali raids in Kashmir of October 1947 till the latest Pahalgam terror attacks, the rabid ideology incarnate, Pakistan, continues to foment terror from across the borders and through domestic actors as well. Indeed, the recent Murshidabad Waqf protests, reminiscent of the Muslim League’s call for Direct Action of 1946, eight decades ago, bespeak of fanatical underpinnings.

For decades, Pakistan has weaponised terrorism to destabilise India. Almost every major terror attack in India has an irrefutable Pakistani link to it. Being a useful vassal, China shielded it, and the US turned a blind eye to Islamabad’s Ghazwa-e-Hind policy as a destabilised India can remain an underwhelming power. Getting away with mild censure, Pakistan has been waging this asymmetric civilisational war against India.

Peace in Kashmir has always been an intervening period between two terror attacks. Balakot surgical strikes and India’s retaliation after the Uri attacks have prolonged this intermittent peace. Abrogation of Article 370 has inflicted a death blow to Pakistan’s attempts to stoke separatism. The long-standing Kashmir conflict served as the cannon fodder for the Pakistani Army Generals to enjoy unrestrained authority in Pakistan.

New Delhi’s determined all-out terrorism cleansing activities, along with growing mistrust of Pakistan’s public towards the Army and its setbacks at the hands of TTP and the Balochistan separatists, have eroded the prestige of the Army.  Especially, the Baloch separatists' Jaffar Express hijacking in March has severely dented the Pakistani Army's image.

To shift the focus of domestic constituents and stem brewing discontent, Pakistan Army General Asim Munir, addressing the Pakistani Diaspora, ranted and raved against India. He rekindled the spirit of the two-nation doctrine, reiterating the differences between Hindus and Muslims in terms of religion, tradition and custom. He also termed Kashmir as ‘jugular vein’.

In Pakistan, the Army calls the shots and maintains an iron grip over the country’s polity with the appointed civilian administration working as per its whims and fancies. Munir comes from a religious family, and his father is an Imam. Educated in a religious seminary under an Islamic preacher, Munir is overtly religious and has openly advocated for jihad on several occasions. With his ascent, Islamisation of Pakistan’s army has been complete.

The Pakistan army has nurtured several terrorist outfits as part of its military strategy. Munir, who considers India as Dar al-Harb (territory not under Islamic rule), strongly approves of the utilisation of terror organisations for proxy wars as a religious obligation. Munir’s public raving triggered the attack as intelligence agencies now reveal that Laskhar-e-Taiba (LeT) cadres conducted a recce of hotels in Kashmir in the first week of April.

On April 18, LeT chief Abu Musa held a rally in Rawalkot, declaring, “Jihad will continue, guns will rage and beheadings will continue in Kashmir. India wants to change the demography of Kashmir by giving domicile certificates to non-locals”. Days later, the emboldened terrorists murdered Hindu tourists holidaying in the valley with barbarity. The Resistance Force (TRF), the proxy of LeT, has claimed responsibility for the attack. The attacks served twin purposes- creating fear for lives among Hindus from moving and settling in J&K and challenging the government’s claims of restoration of normalcy in J&K.

All the fashionable theories of oppression, discrimination, poverty and lack of opportunities inciting terrorism are a sham. Driven by the radical ideology that seeks complete dominance, State and non-state actors across the globe have espoused terrorism. Co-existence is an anathema to this ideology. Despite decades of asymmetric hybrid war against India, Pakistan hardly faced any consequences for its state-sponsored terrorism.

India must inflict heavy costs on Pakistan for the unabated cross-border terrorism. Radical extremist ideology has been at the heart of this hybrid war. Until the ideology is snuffed out, its venomous terror offshoots would continue to unsettle India. Terrorism is a scourge, the world can ill afford to ignore. But sadly, nations dodge around in taking a firm stance, getting into a good and bad terrorism trap. The elephant in the room is radicalism-driven terrorism.

The enormity of extricating this terrorism is twofold for India. Alongside the complete neutralisation of the active terrorist cadres and their handlers, India must take to task the terrorism sympathisers- the organisations, pseudo intellectual networks, the veritable Fifth Column that continues to provide cover fire to the perfidious terror agenda.

State and non-state actors weaponising and exporting terrorism must be globally alienated. The time for tough action is now. India must leverage its rising international stature and diplomatic clout to blacklist and isolate Pakistan. Celebration of this exclusivist radical ideology under the garb of Islamophobia must be stemmed.

With Pakistan activating brothers-in-arms across the Eastern border now, India must deliver a knockout punch to Pakistan to send a strong message to terror modules harbouring a pernicious anti-India agenda. India must strike at the very core of the Pakistan military establishment to paralyse the terrorism network. New Delhi’s response to Pahalgam should be visible to everyone.

Shedding Historical Baggage, India-Sri Lanka Deepen Ties

After the Maldives and Bhutan, Sri Lanka became the third country in the immediate neighbourhood to confer the highest civilian honour, Sri Lanka Mitra Vibhushana, on Prime Minister Modi during his recently concluded three-day State visit to Colombo. Beyond symbolism, the State Honours are a token of gratitude and recognition of exceptional diplomatic efforts and solidarity with the people of the nation. The Honour is a testament to the nation’s commitment to nurturing friendly relations with foreign nations.

After President Anura Kumara Dissanayake of the National People’s Power Coalition (NPP-JVP) assumed charge in September 2024, there were rational fears about the implications of regime change in Sri Lanka on India. Janata Vimukti Peramuna (JVP), the major partner of the coalition, is a strong leftist party, perceived to be pro-China. This has stoked rational fears of the current regime getting too close to China. In the past, JVP strongly opposed Indian troop presence in Sri Lanka.

India enjoyed a very cordial relationship with the previous Sri Lankan dispensation led by President Ranil Wickremesinghe. Wickremesinghe, on many occasions, expressed gratitude to India for its stabilising role during Sri Lanka’s economic collapse in 2022.  He implemented a vision document charted with India that discussed the feasibility of a land bridge and the Economic and Technological Cooperation Agreement (ETCA).

The near complete sweep of the NPP-JVP coalition, even in the Parliamentary elections, spelled out the Sri Lankan public’s firm support for a systemic reformist agenda advocated by President Dissanayake. A unified mandate reflected people's aspirations of ending decades of misgovernance and economic revival. Adopting a pragmatic approach during his campaign, AKD made no anti-India remarks. However, he pledged to bring about transparency in Chinese investments in Sri Lanka. Demonstrating a quick understanding of the vision of the current dispensation, EAM Jaishankar visited Colombo immediately after the election, assuring India’s support to Sri Lanka’s economic and security priorities.

Critical of the previous regime’s decisions, the new government opened an investigation into the Adani Wind Power Project, backtracked on the privatisation of Sri Lankan Airlines, in which Indian firms were keen to invest and reversed the decision to award management of Mattala airport to an India-Russia joint venture. However, asserting his priority to pursue national interests, Dissanayake made India his first foreign destination for a state visit.

On his India visit in December 2024, leaders of both countries adopted a Joint Vision of Fostering Partnerships for a Shared Future, laying out broad contours of enhanced cooperation. This included counter terrorism, money laundering, drug trafficking, joint training, maritime surveillance, cooperation on hydrography, defence cooperation and energy cooperation. Nevertheless, striking a balance in relations with India and China, Dissanayake visited Beijing in January 2025. But the Chinese engagement was rather vague and lacked clarity.

PM Modi who arrived in Colombo on April 5^th, was the first leader to be hosted by the Dissanayake regime. Received by six cabinet ministers led by the foreign minister Vijitha Herath, PM Modi extended a ceremonial welcome at the Independence Square. Per sources, this marks the first occasion when a foreign leader was bestowed such an honour at the Square which commemorates Sri Lankan independence from the British.

PM Modi and President Dissanayake reviewed the areas of cooperation during the bilateral talks and announced two landmark agreements- a defence cooperation agreement and a trilateral cooperation agreement to make Trincomalee an energy hub.

As a part of third country cooperation, India, along with its Strategic Partner UAE, has signed an MoU with Sri Lanka to develop a multi-faceted energy hub in Trincomalee. Previously, India inked trilateral cooperation agreement for Colombo port development project involving Japan. But that failed takeoff due to the perceived China-Japan rivalry. The UAE has good relations with both India and China. The promising inclusion of the UAE, an energy major, is a stroke of diplomatic genius.

China has firmly established its influence in Sri Lanka with large-scale infrastructure projects, including an oil refinery and a port at Hambantota, and Mattala airport in the Southern Province.  India’s proactive engagement with Colombo, with the UAE’s participation, to develop a regional energy logistics centre at Trincomalee in Eastern Province, can counterbalance Beijing and address the severe power crisis of the island. The power crisis had indeed exacerbated the Aragalya protests of 2022.

China has been keen to extend its influence in the Northern Province of Jaffna, India's strategic underbelly. Predominantly a Tamilian province, the NPP-JVP Coalition made major gains in Jaffna during the Parliamentary election, fuelling real concerns of Beijing making quick inroads into this region. An energy hub in Trincomalee and the MoU signed on the electric grid interconnection for import and export of power can potentially reduce Sri Lanka’s reliance on China for power.

After assuming power, Dissanayake prioritised economic revival and national security. Aligning with his foreign policy interests, India concluded the debt restructuring process with Sri Lanka, converting a $100 million loan into grants and reducing interest rates. Geopolitical uncertainties have reinforced a glaring reality of the interconnected nature of the national security of India and Sri Lanka.

At the press conference in Colombo, PM Modi said, “We believe that we have shared security interests. The security of both countries is interconnected and co-dependent”. In turn, President Dissanayake stated, “Sri Lankan territory will not be used or be allowed to be used in any manner that is inimical or detrimental to India's interests”.

In a bid to secure shared security interests, India and Sri Lanka have signed an MoU on defence cooperation. According to sources, the defence agreement has a framework designed for five years comprising high-level military exchanges, joint exercises, capacity building, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR) operations, naval port calls and cooperation between defence industries. Indeed, the conversations on defence cooperation commenced in December 2024 during Dissanayake’s visit to India.

This agreement, along with existing maritime cooperation through Colombo Security Cooperation, will provide a new impetus to the defence partnership. The revival of defence marks a new beginning in the India-Sri Lankan contentious past.

Countries have signed MoUs on cooperation on digital solutions, multi-sectoral grant assistance of 2.4 billion Sri Lankan Rupees for the eastern province, health &medicine and pharmacopoeia. Leaders have inaugurated the railway track of Maho-Omanthai, launched the construction of the signalling system for the Maho-Anuradhapura railway line. They virtually inaugurated a temperature-controlled first-of-its-kind agriculture warehouse in Dambulla, laid the foundation for the Sampur Solar power project and witnessed the supply of solar rooftop systems for 5000 religious institutions across Sri Lanka.

PM Modi announced a comprehensive capacity-building programme for youth, judges, entrepreneurs, media personnel and training for 700 Sri Lankan personnel and pointed to the completion of 10,000 houses for Tamilians. He also offered to send the relics of Lord Buddha found in the Aravali region excavations in Gujarat on International Vesak Day. Describing India and Sri Lanka as “Civilisation twins”, PM Modi announced grant assistance for the Thirukoneswaram Temple, popularly known as Kailash of South; Sita Eliya Temple in Nuwara Eliya and Sacred City Complex Project in Anuradhapura.

India’s unprecedented assistance of over US$4 billion through loan deferrals, currency swaps, grants, short-term loan facilities, humanitarian relief, lines of credit and necessary guarantees needed for the $2.9 billion IMF bailout, unlike Chinese loans, has aided in Sri Lanka’s return to sustainable economic recovery.

Though the frequent arrest of Indian fishermen and confiscation of their boats by the Sri Lankan Navy and the strong statements by Tamil Satraps often rock the bilateral ties, countries are now trying to evolve a cooperative framework. Notwithstanding the politically motivated resolution by the Tamil Nadu assembly to reclaim the Katchatheevu Islands, coinciding with PM Modi’s visit to Sri Lanka, the countries have displayed enormous maturity to rise above these irritants.

Deploying a multi-faceted diplomacy, PM Modi has reached out to Sri Lanka. Ratcheting up cultural diplomacy, PM Modi visited the Maha Bodhi Tree and sought the blessings of Buddhist Saints at Anuradhapura. The Prime Minister also briefly conversed with players of the Sri Lankan Cricket World Cup-winning team. Embalming the old scars, PM Modi laid a wreath at the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) memorial, acknowledging the supreme sacrifice of Indian soldiers. Not allowing the past mistakes to overwhelm the trajectory of current relations, PM Modi displayed an extraordinary Statesmanship in walking an extra mile to fortify ties with the island.

By shedding the historical baggage, leaders of both countries have displayed enormous conviction to rebuild the relations on the foundations of mutual respect and goodwill. As the US and China trade spat intensifies, fuelling global rifts, a stable neighbourhood front can certainly serve as a bulwark against the external pressure. The pragmatic approach adopted by the countries attests to the same.

India’s Strategic Push: Revitalising BIMSTEC Regional Cooperation

Among the regional organisations in this part of the world, the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technological and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) has attained the acclaim of being a non-starter. Founded in 1997, the framework of BIMSTEC was adopted at the 2022 Colombo Security Conclave.

Notwithstanding Pakistan's non-cooperative stance, the Modi government has attempted to chart a distinct course to tap into immense regional cooperation through SAARC at the November 2014 Summit in Nepal. But Pakistan’s obstinacy to SAARC developmental initiatives was unrelenting. Uri terror attacks in September 2016 forced India to officially withdraw from the scheduled Islamabad SAARC summit in November 2016. This drew a final curtain on the SAARC summits.

Swiftly shifting gears, tapping into another realm of sub-regional cooperation, India invited to BIMSTEC partner countries to the Goa BRICS Summit held in October 2016. Consolidating the Bay of Bengal region into the fulcrum of cooperation, PM Modi invited the leaders of BIMSTEC on the eve of his second term inauguration in 2019. Comprising seven countries (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Myanmar, Nepal, Thailand, Sri Lanka) with rotating chairmanship for two years, Bangkok hosted the 6^th BIMSTEC summit themed “Prosperous, Resilient, and Open BIMSTEC” on April 4^th 2025.

The Summit comes at a time when a devastating earthquake hit Myanmar and Thailand. Responding to the crisis, India launched “Operation Brahma” to provide immediate assistance to Myanmar in the throes of civil war. While India’s timely assistance heralded the spirit of BIMSTEC cooperation, Bangladesh’s interim government Chief Advisor Mohammad Yunus’ recent statement raised speculations about the cooperation between the littoral states of the Bay of Bengal region.

Making an unsettling diplomatic overture to Beijing on his State visit, Yunus said, “Seven States of India, eastern part of India, called Seven Sisters.. they are landlocked country, landlocked region of India. They have no way to reach out to the Ocean..”. He added, “We are the only guardians of this Ocean for all this region. So, this opens up a huge possibility. So, this could be an extension of the Chinese economy. Build things, produce things, bring things to China, bring it out to the whole rest of the World”. Yunus attempts to woo China to invest in Bangladesh and alluding that “Bangladesh is the only gateway for China to the Bay of Bengal” have elicited serious concerns about his motives towards India and threatened to derail the regional interconnections and interdependencies which are central to BIMSTEC.

In a strong retort, PM Modi, while departing for BIMSTEC, asserted that India’s northeast lies at the heart of the interregional grouping and underscored the primacy of northeastern states in the region.

Bangladesh later contended that Yunus' remarks were taken out of context since he was trying to entice Chinese investments. However, Dhaka’s commitment to BIMSTEC is debatable as Bangladesh’s foreign affairs advisor, Touhid Hussain, in a meeting with EAM Jaishankar on the sidelines of the 8^th Indian Ocean Conference at Muscat, sought India’s support to revive SAARC. In an interview in January, Shafikul Alam, Press Secretary of Yunus, stated, “Yunus wants the revival of SAARC and a good relationship with all countries, so he wants good relations with all SAARC countries that also include Pakistan”.

After the China-Pakistan axis hijacked the SAARC, India backed the BIMSTEC for regional integration. However, Yunus’ unhinged anti-India rhetoric, coupled with frequent calls for reviving SAARC and realignment with Pakistan for trade and joint naval exercises, forebode the looming threat of the Bangladesh-Pakistan-China threat to BIMSTEC. China enthusiastically courted India’s neighbours. But, PM Hasina at the helm of affairs in Bangladesh strongly resisted Beijing’s advances. With her ouster, political instability descended in Bangladesh. Yunus' pivot to China has further exacerbated the volatility and altered the regional dynamics. The elephant in the room is China.

Instead of giving in to the provocative Dragon’s forays into the neighbourhood, India has stepped up its commitment to BIMSTEC, intent on gaining ground in the Bay of Bengal region. PM Modi opened his inaugural address by expressing heartfelt condolences over the tragic loss of lives in Myanmar and Thailand in the recent earthquake. He announced a 21-point action plan of India-led initiatives to bolster the existing 14 sectors of vital cooperation under the BIMSTEC framework. PM Modi’s visionary, consultative advocacy is set to energise the regional cooperation dynamic that remained underutilised for decades. 

In recent years, BIMSTEC regional trade has experienced a steady increase. PM Modi’s action plan to establish a BIMSTEC Chamber of Commerce, organise an annual BIMSTEC Business Summit, and explore the feasibility of local currency trade can give a major fillip to buttress regional trade and strengthen commerce linkages. India has offered to share the UPI system to boost digital connectivity and pledged to establish a Sustainable Maritime Transport Centre in India to enhance coordination in capacity building, research, innovation and maritime policies.

In tandem with the BIMSTEC Energy Centre operating in Bengaluru, India, now plans to expedite work on electric grid interconnection. Harnessing India’s prowess in mitigation and disaster management, India plans to establish the BIMSTEC Centre of Excellence for Disaster Management in India and conduct joint exercises between BIMSTEC Disaster Management Authorities.

Prioritising a people-centric approach, India proposed a skilling initiative-BODHI, BIMSTEC for Organised Development of Human Resources Infrastructure, to train youth and young diplomats from BIMSTEC countries. This will include a scholarship scheme for BIMSTEC students at the Forest Research Institute and Nalanda University, a training and capacity building programme in Cancer care at Tata Memorial Centre and the establishment of a Centre of Excellence in traditional medicine, agriculture research and training.

To foster youth engagement, PM Modi announced plans to launch the BIMSTEC Hackathon and Young Visitors programme, hold the annual BIMSTEC Young Leaders’ Summit, the BIMSTEC Athletics Meet, the BIMSTEC Traditional Music Festival and the first BIMSTEC Games in 2027. To strengthen the maritime security architecture of the region, India will host the first BIMSTEC Home Ministers Mechanism.

Established to strengthen cooperation between South Asia and South East Asia, BIMSTEC is at the crossroads of India’s strategic “Act East Policy” and “Neighbourhood First Policy.” With a renewed thrust on maritime security and the growing importance of the Bay of Bengal to Indo-Pacific policy, BIMSTEC can be a vital part of India’s overarching Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions (MAHASAGAR) vision.

Additionally, as a part of institutional building, BIMSTEC signed MoUs with the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) on issues of shared interests and priorities.

Along with laying comprehensive roadmap, PM Modi engaged with leaders of member countries to strengthen seamless coordination.  The 6^th BIMSTEC Summit in Bangkok marks the first occasion when leaders have met in person since 2018. The previous iteration in 2022, conducted by Sri Lanka, was a virtual summit. Bangkok Summit, rescheduled twice due to political turmoil, was successfully hosted by Thailand despite the earthquake.

PM Modi elevated India’s existing ties to a Strategic Partnership during bilateral talks with Thailand’s new Prime Minister, Paetongtarn Shinwatra. Both countries signed MoUs on digital technology, development of the National Maritime Heritage Complex at Lothal, cooperation in the MSME sector and the development of India’s Northeast region. Thailand joined India’s Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI)

PM Modi also met Myanmar's junta chief, General Min Aung Hlaing, and extended additional assistance beyond the formal Quad joint statement, which pledged support to earthquake rehabilitation. The Prime Minister also held talks with the Nepalese counterpart, KP Sharma Oli, on the sidelines of BIMSTEC. He also met Bangladesh Chief Advisor Mohammed Yunus and put forth India’s concerns on attacks against Hindus and asked him to avoid rhetoric that vitiates the environment.

India’s ‘neighbourhood first policy’, centred on mutually beneficial developmental partnership, had to often navigate disruptions when the leaders of countries acted with calibrated vested interests. Surmounting these frictions and strained ties, in the face of Trump tariff disruptions, India is recalibrating its vision for regional cooperation to buffer against the global shocks.  India is now shifting attention to its neighbourhood, for it is the region where “its external and domestic goals directly converge”.

 India is reinvesting in the region amid burgeoning global volatility. The impending recalibration can be traced to EAM Jaishankar’s address at the 20^th BIMSTEC Ministerial Meeting. He said, “The reality is that the world is moving to an era of self-help. Every region needs to look out for itself, whether it is in food, fuel and fertiliser supply, vaccines or speedy disaster response. Times have indeed changed. Shorter supply chains and immediate neighbours have a salience much more than before”.

India realises the immense potential of infrastructure and connectivity opportunities within the BIMSTEC. New Delhi is currently expediting two major connectivity projects in the India-Myanmar-Thailand (IMT) Highway and the Kaladan Multi-modal Transit Transport. Upon completion, IMT will connect the region to the Pacific Region.

Firmly dedicated to safeguarding its national interests amidst the rapidly evolving contours of the world order, India is adeptly adjusting its foreign policy to align with the changing landscape. Reimagining regional cooperation, India has laid out a comprehensive BIMSTEC framework to align with the global shift towards a ‘self-reliant era’.

PM Luxon’s Visit Revives Stalled India-New Zealand Ties

New Zealand Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s picture sitting on the steps of Akshardham, New Delhi is reminiscent of a similar image of former Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull with PM Modi by his side at the Mandir on his 2017 India visit. Symbolic gestures of leaders during State visits have imbued strategic signalling. The images besides having a greater appeal shed hints for analysts to decipher the directionality of ties in the foreign policy landscape.

Indeed, the similarities don’t end there. Then-PM Turnbull set a deadline for the ratification of the Free Trade Agreement, which was initiated by Tony Abbott in 2014 with India. Addressing the India-New Zealand Business Summit, PM Luxon emphatically stated that “he looks forward to PM Modi signing that (FTA) agreement in 60 days time”.

These uncanny parallels harken back to the road tread by India-Australia partnership. The bilateral ties endured a lull after former Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd withdrew from the Malabar Exercises in 2008. Though both nations signed a civil nuclear cooperation agreement in 2014, the ties took a new turn after the revival of Quad 2.0 in 2017. Since then, there has been a marked upswing in India-Australia relations with New Delhi approving the rejoining of Canberra in Malabar exercises. Soon, countries signed the India-Australia Economic Cooperation and Trade Agreement (ECTA) and even agreed on annual summits in 2022. New Zealand appears to be emulating Australia.

New Zealand Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s five-day India trip symbolises a marked volte-face from the cold response to EAM Jaishankar’s New Zealand trip in October 2022. The rare meeting between the foreign ministers of both countries which lasted for just one hour ended with then foreign minister Nanaia Mahuta’s critical unwillingness to renew Indian students. Alluding to New Zealand’s reluctance, Jaishankar even noted that “there is a larger world out there”. At the press briefing, Mahuta announced that a free trade agreement is “not a priority for New Zealand or India”.

Though New Zealand’s former Foreign Minister Winston Peter travelled to India in February 2020 and launched the “Investing in the Relationship” strategy with a free trade agreement as a major goal, it barely took off due to Covid. The Labour government hardly evinced any interest in engaging with India.  As a result, the bilateral ties almost stagnated. With his announcement on FTA, Luxon recommenced talks on FTA, which had been stalled 10 years ago. Accompanied by the largest delegation that has ever accompanied a Prime Minister of New Zealand to any foreign country, PM Luxon arrived in India on March 16. India extended a warm traditional welcome.

India-New Zealand ties established in 1950 though steady, have fluctuated in the past few years. The back-to-back visits of Deputy PM Winston Peters in March 2024 and Indian President Droupadi Murmu’s visit in August 2024 played a critical role in advancing the ties. While India and New Zealand launched FTA talks in 2010, the last formal negotiations were held in 2015. The ambitious record 60 days for FTA spoken in jest was the poll promise of PM Luxon. During his election campaign in 2023, PM Luxon committed to securing an FTA with India by 2026.

Luxon, belonging to the centre-right conservative party with a long corporate career was a former CEO of Air New Zealand. He visited India several times and is particularly keen on engaging with New Delhi given its rising stature as a global player in both economy and geopolitics. Elected in October 2023, he set improving the economy as his top priority.

At the 11^th India-New Zealand Joint Trade Council (JTC) held in April 2024, countries identified vast untapped potential. They focussed on establishing a comprehensive economic framework for fostering collaboration in sectors of food processing, horticulture, forestry and pharmaceuticals. India New Zealand Business Council (INZBC) 's June 2024 report called for strengthening ties with India, advancing trade, and enhancing collaboration and dialogues in defence, economic partnerships and people-to-people ties. Besides, as members of the Indo-Pacific Economic Forum (IPEF), both nations continued to engage and cooperate on various aspects of trade.

Besides trade, strategic alignment was at the heart of this diplomatic visit. Both nations are firmly committed to an open, inclusive, stable and prosperous Indo-Pacific, where the rules-based international order is upheld. China’s relentless economic and diplomatic expansion into the Pacific region has been cause of immense concern to New Zealand.

In February, Cook Island signed a comprehensive strategic partnership agreement with China. The Cook Islands is constitutionally obligated to consult New Zealand on security, defence and foreign policy issues. China signed similar agreements with the Solomon Islands and Kiribati. New Zealand’s security intelligence services director Andrew Hampton, has warned of security risks posed by the agreement to the regional architecture raising concerns of foreign interference and espionage.

China’s growing military power projection including PLA’s unannounced live-fire exercises close to the Tasman Sea which forced the airlines to divert flights have sparked concerns in New Zealand about Beijing’s ‘peaceful rise’. China is New Zealand’s largest trade partner, given its proclivity to weaponise trade, New Zealand along with diversification of trade is seeking to improve security ties with India. The new reality and inevitability of tariffs and Trump’s insistence on defence burden sharing besides reshaping the global architecture is forcing nations to restructure their bilateral ties.

Both leaders held restricted and delegation-level talks and agreed to strengthen and institutionalise our defence and security collaboration, encourage investment in dairy, food processing and pharma, and prioritise cooperation in renewable energy and critical minerals. They exchanged views on the Ukraine war extending support for a lasting peace and stressing the importance of a negotiated two-state solution for stability in the Middle East.

Countries signed an Omnibus defence cooperation agreement to evolve a roadmap for bilateral defence industry collaboration, joint exercises, exchange of high-level defence delegation, training and regular port calls by naval ships. Indian Naval Ship Tarini made a port call at Christchurch, New Zealand in December 2024. Coinciding with PM Luxon’s visit, Royal New Zealand Navy Ship HMNZS Te Kaha made a port call in Mumbai. Navies of both nations are working together in Combined Task Force-150 for maritime security in the Indian Ocean.

Countries have also signed MoU on Customs Services, Horticulture, education cooperation, sports and a letter of intent on Forestry. They are exploring the early implementation of digital payments to boost tourism and expedite agreement on mobility and migration of skilled workers. Indian-origin people make up six per cent of New Zealand's population. In a huge fillip to people-to-people connections, Air India and Air New Zealand signed an MoU for direct flights. New Zealand joined India’s Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI) and the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI).

Khalistan terrorism has been one of the contentious issues of India-New Zealand ties. Expressing concerns about the anti-India activities of these elements, PM Modi expressed confidence that “we will continue to receive the full cooperation of the New Zealand Government against such illegal elements”. PM Luxon acknowledged India’s concerns and affirmed that New Zealand recognises India’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Echoing domestic sentiments, both leaders visited Rakab Ganj Gurudwara and paid their obeisance.

New Zealand had reservations about India’s Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) membership. It has been a major irritant in the bilateral ties. Reflecting on the same, “leaders emphasised the importance of upholding the global nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime and acknowledged the value of India joining the Nuclear Suppliers Group in the context of predictability for India’s clean energy goals and its non-proliferation credentials”, in the joint statement.

In sync with New Zealand’s attempts to strengthen bilateral ties, India invited PM Luxon to co-inaugurate New Delhi’s signature defence and security conference, Raisina Dialogue making him the first Oceania leader to covet such honour.

Given the steady rise of India’s global prominence, New Zealand is recognising the need to strengthen ties with India. PM Luxon’s visit has injected a dynamic momentum in the relationship that has immense potential in terms of exploring new opportunities and building on respective strengths.

Malabar and The Portuguese

The most illogical rationale for European colonisers justifying their imperial control of India was the ‘civilising mission’. Iberians always envied Venetian and Arab access to Indian commodities and aspired for the same. However, access to Indian trade took a hit after the Ottomans firmed up their control over the maritime trade routes and began levying taxes. This spurred the Iberians to embark on long-distance explorations to India. They travelled around Africa to reach India. With embedded cultural and religious missions besides the overtly propagated trade monopoly as the paramount objective, the Portuguese through successive expeditions managed to reach the Indian shores.

Building on accumulated experiences of over half a century of explorations systematically collated over years, including the adventurous naval expedition prowess of Dom Henry, better known as Prince Henry the Navigator, Vasco da Gama set sail for India in 1497 with the express consent of King Dom Manuel from Belem. Aboard San Gabriel rounding the Port of Hope, taking an Indian Davane hostage and escorted by the pilots of King of Melinde, da Gama landed at Kappat north of Calicut on May 17^th. Equipped with the 1441 Papal Bull that granted sovereignty over all new lands in Africa and Asia to the Crown of Portugal, stocked with provisions and heavily armed with guns, the Portuguese set foot on India.

Generations of India had the misfortune of graduating with the curriculum and syllabus that gratified the colonial masters and made them accept the benefits of European rule. All the available literature written with a colonial lens had eloquently subscribed to the trade theory as the primary motive of waves of European expeditions to the Indian subcontinent. Shedding light on the less-known details of the earliest European colonial settlements, K. M. Pannikar’s “Malabar and the Portuguese” written in 1929 offers insights into the imperial motives of Iberians. This book is among the earliest and the most authentic Indian historical record of Portuguese settlements in the Malabar region.

Pannikar who served as Indian ambassador to China and one of the greatest influences on Nehru, had been at the centre of India’s Chinese foreign policy debacle. With his sympathetic portrayal of China, he justified Beijing’s actions and policies and forced Nehru to surrender the Indian diplomatic mission in Tibet tamely. The botched-up foreign policy carried under the counsel of Pannikar and VK Krishna Menon has reaped on India the livewire of the largest un-demarcated boundary. Infamous as a Chinese apologist, while I debated the choice of the book, the new tag of being a Voice of India publication disquieted my apprehensions. Panikkar was a scholarly historian before donning the role of an administrator and diplomat. He authored many historical works and was the architect of the ‘Indian Naval Doctrine’.

Written at a time when the Britishers still ruled India, the book debunks the Portuguese propaganda of Estado da India or the Portuguese State of India. Panikkar outrightly rejects the claims of Iberians of having a massive foothold in India. His work was exclusively restricted to Portuguese attempts to make Malabar a springboard for their larger ambitions of extending their presence across India. Laid out in 14 chapters, the initial chapter- Malabar before the arrival of Portuguese provides a sneak peek at the societal setup in the region, its extensive trade connections with Egyptians, Greeks, Romans, Arabs and with regions in the Far East. By the 8^th century, Malabar had thriving communities of St. Thomas Christians, Jews and Arab Mohammedans or Moors. At the time of the arrival of the Portuguese, Malabar was divided into small principalities ruled by small Rajahs or chieftains who accepted the suzerainty of major rulers. 

Around the 15^th century, the Kolathari or King of Cannanore or Zamorin or King of Calicut was the major ruler of Malabar, with several small Rajahs like Rajahs of Tanur, Cranganore, Cochin, Mangat, Idappalli, Vadakkumkur, Procaud, Kayamkulam and Quillon. Malabar had a unique law which didn’t recognise the right of the sovereign to oust a rebellious chief or to confiscate his property. But when hostilities arise, “after subduing them (Chiefs of Malabar), it was a practice to return to them their possession, and the restitution, although sometimes delayed for a long time”. But in the end, the major Rajah or Zamorin would always return. The political organisation and feudal system of Malabar was a bit different.

At the time of the arrival of the Portuguese, the Zamorin who belonged to the Nair caste, had all the rights like entering into alliances, minting coins in his name and had enjoyed perks of royalty denied to Rajah of Cochin, a Kshatria with superior social status. Hence, he felt slighted. Indeed, the Portuguese after their arrival capitalised on this and effectively exploited these differences between the rajahs and played them one against another to entrench themselves into the important principalities. Most of the Rajahs were in charge of ports bustling centres of trade and commerce.

Apart from trade, the impetus behind Portuguese exploration is driven by the devout Christian duty of conquering new lands for Christ. They believed that the supremacy of the Indian seas was a work of God and none other than Christians had a right over them. Motivated by a zeal to conquer new lands, Portuguese expeditions were replete with episodes of unheard brutality that startled Malabar Kings and the Moors who excelled in sea trade. Short of muscle power to indulge in open confrontation, the Portuguese launched surprise attacks on unsuspecting seafarers and plundered and drowned their ships. As a message to Zamorin, who refused to respond to Portuguese peace overtures, they heaped despicable brutalities on the crew of a vessel which had no parallels in history. With marauding expeditions on ports, the Portuguese created a famine-like situation in 1577.

Backed by the valiant Kunjali Marakkars, Zamorin took on the Portuguese and strategically repelled every attempt to wrest control of the important ports in Malabar. Except for Cochin, Procaud and Quilon, the Portuguese failed to penetrate much beyond a few miles from the coast into the interiors. Even their precarious hold over these regions was completely decimated out with the arrival of the Dutch. Portuguese even eyed Ceylon. But Zamorin effectively frustrated all their attempts by siding with Maydunna, the brother of Ceylon King Bhuveneka Bahu.

Along with setting up factories at Cochin, the Portuguese after acquiring forts expelled non-Christians. They encouraged intermarriages where Christian converts were extended the same privileges as the Portuguese. They believed conversion was their imperative duty. “Cross in one hand, sword in another”, they unleashed their narrow spirit of intolerance against native Christians. Indeed, these Christians upon the arrival of da Gama approached him and acknowledged their allegiance to the King of Portugal and even suggested building a strong fort to occupy entire Malabar.

These native Christians enjoyed communal privileges and had absolute religious freedom in Malabar. They were even governed by Metrans or Bishops, representatives sent from the Archiepiscopate of Bussorah. Despite the special treatment accorded by the Hindu rulers, at the first opportunity they shifted their loyalties without any compunction.  However, the Portuguese considered native Christians as heretics and their Bishop Archdeacon of Syria a traitor. With the reluctant approval of Rajah of Cochin, Alexis de Meneses, Archbishop of Goa coerced the St. Thomas Christians to accept the supremacy of Rome at the Synod of Diamper (Udaimperoor). The Portuguese converted Rajah of Tanur but he reverted to his native faith after 10 years with the support of Zamorin. The primary targets of the Portuguese Inquisition were the native Christians.

Portuguese could control Cochin completely. They exercised their political authority and interfered in domestic affairs including succession. Despite being in alliance with the Rajah of Cochin, the Portuguese attempted to plunder Pallurithi Temple which the Rajah held in high esteem. The Portuguese contingent in India has twice the number of clergy than the soldiers and officials. Rivalry existed between the religious orders and the administrators. Massive infighting between officials, corruption, inefficient administration, feudal mindset, lack of loyalty and indulgence in private trade led to the crumbling of Portuguese power in Malabar.

Portuguese burnt temples and mosques along the coasts. They were inherently hostile to Moors given their faceoff with them in Spain and Africa. They used locals to fight the Mohammedan rulers, a policy which later Europeans followed. The Portuguese who were driven away from Malabar occupied Goa and destroyed all Hindu temples at the orders of the King of Portugal. Portuguese made plans to attack Canjeevaram temples. However, since the local Rajah got the whiff of the plans, they were forced to retreat. 

The spirit of intolerance flowed from the King of Portugal who was intent on spreading Christianity. In his orders, he instructed Viceroy Joao de Castro to direct all his powers to evangelism. It says, “ The great concernment which lies upon Christian Princes to look to matters of Faith and to employ their forces for its preservation makes me advise you how sensible I am that not only in many parts of India under our subjection but in our city of Goa, idols are worshipped, places in which our Faith may be more reasonably expected to flourish; and being well informed with how much liberty they celebrated heathenish festivals. We command you to discover by diligent officers all the idols and to demolish and break them up in pieces where they are found, proclaiming severe punishments against anyone who shall dare to work, cast, make in sculpture, engrave, paint or bring to light any figure of an idol in metal, brass, wood, plaster or any other matter, or bring them from other places; and against who publicly or privately celebrate any of their sports, keep by them any heathenish frankincense or assist and hide the Brahmins, the sworn enemies of the Christian profession……. It is our pleasure that you punish them with that severity of the law without admitting any appeal or dispensation in the least”.

Since the Portuguese hardly made territorial gains in Malabar, they were unsuccessful with their policy of conversion in Malabar. But they unleashed their intolerance to the fullest in Goa. In fact, to give up cow slaughter in Quillon, the Portuguese had struck a deal with the Queen that Christians should be governed as per the edicts pronounced by their captain.

The unvarnished facts in the book unambiguously reinforce the religious fanatism of the Portuguese and the later Europeans, who used every trick in the book- inducement, intimidation, and coercion to convert the natives at sword’s point.

With the contemporary discourse dominated by debates on rules-based international order, there can be no better time to lay hands on available historical sources. As the collective West more so, the European countries, masquerading as custodians of humanity spare no occasion to lecture Indigenous civilisations on values-based polity, it is time to show them the mirror. This book can be a good starter for anyone interested in unlearning and relearning the ordeals of the Indian civilisational story.