India’s SCO Presidency Makes a Mark

As a shining testimony to her sure-footed diplomacy that has come of age, India has successfully hosted the 23^rd edition of the SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organisation) summit in New Delhi virtually days after PM Modi’s landmark State visit to the US. Striking a delicate balance in her diplomatic ties with the US and Russia, India conducted the SCO summit with aplomb.

‘Shanghai Five’ of 1996 initiated by Russia and China along with Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan formally evolved into the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) in 2001. The founding objective of SCO has been regional security, development, and countering of terrorism and extremism with Central Asia as the core.

Wary of America’s unipolar rise, threats of regime change and colour revolution, Russia and China founded SCO after the collapse of the Soviet Union to insulate the Eurasian region and reduce the Western influence. SCO, a non-security grouping not directed against any particular bloc, was largely designed to increase the influence of Russia and China. Bolstering its ambitious connectivity project BRI (Belt and Road Initiative), China ramped up engagement with Central Asian Republics (CARs), the connecting land bridge between Asia and Eurasia. Russia wielded enormous influence over Central Asia, its proverbial backyard, comprising the former Soviet states which began to dwindle following China’s economic rise.

To mitigate China’s influence, Russia favoured India’s membership to SCO while China pulled in Pakistan to counter this attempt. Thus, both India and Pakistan became members of SCO in 2017. Confronted by Pakistan’s blockade denying access to the Central Asian region, India joined SCO to revive ties with Central Asian Republics. India’s economic cooperation with Central Asian Republics took a back seat after the fall of the Soviet Union and this was further exacerbated by Islamabad’s block. Though Indian leadership has accentuated engagement with Central Asia, connectivity still remains a major issue to take the bilateral economic engagement with the region to the next level.

Indeed, the Ukraine war has further heightened the dissensions between Russia and CARs. Maintaining a balanced position while Kazakhstan which didn’t recognise Crimea, refused to condemn Russia and abstained from UN voting, Kazakhstanis are growing wary of Russia. A similar sentiment is gradually building up in the Central Asian region against China with the public becoming increasingly sceptical of Chinese dominance and crackdown of Uighurs. CARs are now seeking to diversify their ties from Russia and China.

Besides, burgeoning China’s economic clout has drastically altered the relations between Russia and China from being equal partners at the turn of the century to Russia playing second fiddle to China post-Ukraine war sanctions. Though Russia’s economic interdependence on China has increased in the wake of the Ukraine war, India’s presence in SCO can counter Beijing’s accentuating dominance in the region. The intergovernmental engagement at SCO thus offers India an opportunity to connect with Central Asia.

Another defining objective of SCO is countering terrorism, extremism and separatism that continues to threaten the stability of Central Asia. To ensure regional security, SCO set up Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) in 2002. Since the Afghan civil war, its territory has been a fertile ground for various terror outfits. Afghanistan is part of SCO and has been a melting point of ethnicities represented in the SCO member states. Of the 150 ethnicities from SCO member states, 30 of them live in Afghanistan. Realising the importance of Afghanistan in curbing terrorism, SCO constituted an Afghanistan Contact Group in 2005.

With the withdrawal of the US troops, the Afghanistan issue has become a regional security and geopolitical problem. With the potential spillover effect of the resurgence of terrorism in Afghanistan, resolving the Afghan issue is crucial for SCO. Through SCO, India can engage with Afghanistan and be part of the larger framework in dealing with the Afghan Taliban.  

A weakened Russia has strengthened Beijing’s resolve of turning SCO into a ‘China club’ paving the way for a unipolar Asian order. To consolidate and expand its influence, China has invited new dialogue partners- Kuwait, Myanmar, UAE, and Maldives in May 2023.  With this, the number of dialogue partners has risen to 13 which includes Armenia, Azerbaijan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Cambodia, Qatar and Turkey. SCO currently has three observers- Afghanistan, Belarus and Mongolia and nine permanent members. Uzbekistan was the first member to join the Shanghai Five in 2001, later India and Pakistan became members in 2017. The newest member, Iran officially joined the SCO at the New Delhi summit. SCO is now the largest regional organization covering 60% of Eurasia, 40% of the World population, and 20% of the global GDP with the potential for productive collaboration and lucrative opportunities.

Given India’s unique geographical landscape, robust maritime and continental collaboration is inevitable to emerge as a major player in the region. While New Delhi’s active engagement with the Indo-Pacific countries has consolidated its maritime overland, India’s continental engagement and policy of “connecting to the extended neighborhood” will receive a major boost through SCO. India’s association with SCO shall ensure that Asia remains multipolar. A multipolar world is feasible only through multipolar Asia.

The contradictions galore and the inherent divergences very often embolden the scepticism of the relevance of SCO for India. The key factors in establishing SCO are strengthening mutual confidence and trust, good neighbourly relations, effective cooperation in politics, trade, economy, science and technology, energy, transportation, tourism, and environmental protection; besides making a joint effort to maintain and ensure peace, security and stability in the region and establishment of a new, democratic, just and rational political and economic international order¹. But more often than not most of these aspects that define the spirit of SCO are callously undermined.

The heated borders and relentless threats from across the borders, LoC and LAC have been the constant source of threat for India. The SCO member states of China and Pakistan thus epitomize what is antithetical to the spirit of friendship and cooperation. Indeed, India’s uneasy relationships with Pakistan and China have been ascribed to the virtual summit session of SCO heads of state meeting. But the specious argument fails to overlook the fact that India is going to hold the G20 summit meeting in less than two months’ time from now when India will host all the major World leaders.

The New Delhi Summit was attended by leaders of member states-China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Pakistan, and Iran and heads of states of observer states of Tajikistan and Iran, Belarus, Mongolia and Turkmenistan. Other invitees who participated in the summit deliberations included-Secretary General of SCO, director of SCO RATS, UN Secretary General, Heads of CICA (Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia, CSTO ( Collective Security Treaty Organisation), CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States) and Eurasian Economic Commission.

PM Modi spoke of five pillars of cooperation that India has introduced and nurtured - startup and innovation, traditional medicine, youth empowerment, digital inclusion and shared Buddhist heritage. Modi further elaborated on India’s contributions to SCO.

In line with Article 1 of the SCO charter, Modi unequivocally condemned terrorism in any form and highlighted that terrorism is a threat to global and regional peace. In an oblique reference to Pakistan, Modi said, “some countries use cross-border terrorism as an instrument of their polices and give shelter to terrorists. Hitting out at the iron-clad friendship between China and Pakistan. Modi said “SCO should not hesitate to criticise such countries. SCO countries should condemn it” and added, “There should be no double standards on terrorism”².

The fight against terrorism is the central goal of SCO and to this end, Member States echoed similar sentiments. Leaders also exchanged views on topical, regional and global issues and discussed ways to transform and modernise the organisation. As the outcome of the summit leaders has adopted the New Delhi Declaration and two thematic joint statements- one on countering radicalisation leading to separatism, radicalisation³ and extremism and the second one on cooperation in digital transformation⁴.

PM Modi has invited countries to address regional security issues, counter-terrorism, and connectivity challenges and called for maximum utilization of the Chabahar project. The New Delhi Declaration⁵ highlighted the need for safe, free, and open information space; respect for non-interference in internal affairs; respect for sovereignty; unacceptable unilateral expansion of global missile systems; keeping outer space free of weapons; compliance to chemical weapons treaty, biological weapons convention; early resolution of the situation in Afghanistan. In all, member states reaffirmed their commitment to 10 decisions.

Though an emphatic unanimity on other issues by Member States signaled a rare unity, the abject lack of commitment and China’s way of running roughshod over other countries’ interests in pursuit of its great power ambitions raises valid doubts about the multilateralism of SCO. India opposed the BRI which violates her territorial sovereignty in the joint declaration.

Countries agreed on the implementing roadmap for a gradual increase in the share of national currencies in mutual settlements, SCO anti-drug strategy for 2018-2023, SCO Economic Development Strategy 2030, 2022-24 program of cooperation in countering extremism, separatism and extremism.

PM Modi envisioned a concept for SCO back in 2018, which is adopted as the theme for New Delhi SCO summit meeting- “Towards a SECURE SCO” which stands for S-Security of Citizens, E- Economic Development, C-Connectivity, U-Unity, R-respect for sovereignty and integrity and E-Environment Protection. India has put forth various initiatives and proposals in line with her vision and created new mechanisms-Special Working group on startups and innovation and Expert level working group on traditional medicine.

In tune with the developmental aspirations of the 21^st century, championing inclusive development, India has added new themes of cooperation which include popularising millets for food security. Member states welcomed the admission of Iran as a full member and acknowledged the Memorandum of Obligation signed by Belarus for the SCO membership.

Chairing SCO for the first time, India hosted 134 events, 15 Ministerial level meetings and four head of agency meetings including the high-level interactions between the National Security Advisors, Defence Ministers and Foreign Ministers of member countries. During the time frame of the presidency, India has intensified engagement with member states and proposed five initiatives that were adopted. These include- the promotion and development of digital public infrastructure, combatting climate change, decarbonising the transport infrastructure through cooperation on biofuels, innovative technologies for sustainability and digital financial inclusion.

SCO Film Festival, SCO Culture Showcasing, SCO Tourism Mart, SCO Conference on Traditional Medicine held by India markedly changed the segment of socio-cultural activities of SCO. Indian initiatives and events elicited remarkable appreciation from the SCO Member States which besides forging robust engagement, fostered harmony.

India’s transformative worldview rooted in development in sharp contrast to China’s self-serving strategic initiatives is garnering greater acceptance among member states. President Putin hailed India’s presidency of SCO. Resonating a similar stance, Uzbekistan foreign lauded India for her innovative themes and hallmark vision.

Replete with divergences, and strategic contradictions, SCO is an enigmatic grouping onerous to navigate for India due to the obstinate posturing of China and Pakistan. Disillusioned by the West, countries in the Middle East are showing keen interest in joining SCO. SCO is emerging as a counter to the Western bloc. Hence, setting aside the disagreements and withholding debates on the relevance of SCO for India, New Delhi has chartered a developmental framework for SCO and lent a directionality to it. It is now left for the member states to build, reform and transform it. 

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