Two Centuries of Silence

 Since the outbreak of the US-Iran war, President Trump has claimed that a deal is close to being signed over 40 times, and till now, a status quo ante hasn’t been reached. Neither has there been an agreement on Iran’s nuclear program, nor could the Trump administration restore the pre-war status of free and safe passage through the Strait of Hormuz. The war erupted on Feb 28^th and the only recordable triumph Washington could register has been the assassination of the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenini. While some analysts frame the Iran-US War as the biblical David versus Goliath given the power imbalance and asymmetry, all these notions appear so puerile as Iran, besides shattering the myth of American invincibility, is now indirectly dictating terms by weaponising its geography. The closure of the Strait of Hormuz and the concomitant disruption of supply chains have inflicted a massive economic shock on the Middle East, with countries incurring $3 trillion in losses.

Even under massive attacks and a naval blockade, Iran dug in and bolstered its defensive strategy. Instead of conceding, Iran initially even dominated the global narrative, creating an illusion of having the upper hand. After going full throttle with firepower, with Tehran resisting American pressure, Trump declared “Operation Economic Fury” to bring Iran to the table. Against all the odds, Iran’s ability to make a negotiated settlement on its own terms surprised the world. Iran’s unflinching tenacity despite decades of sanctions, beginning with US trade freezes after the US embassy hostage crisis in 1979, lifted in 1981 and then reimposed in 1987, eventually expanded into US multilateral sanctions from 2006. Over the past three decades, Iran has endured a sanctions regime for state-sponsored terrorism and its nuclear program. Instead of breaking down under external pressure, Iran is standing up to Washington as the domestic Iranian society, though unhappy with the government, is rallying behind it.

Iran’s resilience and defiance can be traced back to its civilisational journey, a history of revolution and a turbulent past. Depicting these struggles, the book “Two Decades of Silence”, written by Abdolhossein Zarrinkoub, an expert in Iranian literature and Persian culture, explores the chaotic shift of the Persian Empire in the first two centuries after the Arab attack. Originally written in Persian and published in 1957, the book was translated into English by Avid Kamgar. Written eight decades ago, the book is a testament to the innate tendency of Iranians to rebel and weaken an adversary through incessant and unrelenting battles.

Penned elegantly by Prof Zarrinkoub, the central theme of the book is to shed light on the two centuries since the fall of Nahavand in 642 CE, when the Sassanid Empire collapsed during the Arab conquest. This also marks the end of fourteen centuries of Iranian history. Iranians originally followed the ancient Zoroastrian faith. It coexisted with several faiths like Manichaeism, Mazdakism, Shamanism and Zandakeh. Brimming with cultural richness, philosophical debates, scientific works and intellectual activity, the Persian Empire had five major languages: Pahlavi, Dari, Khuzi, Soghdi, and Persian. Arab invasion cast a dark spell on the history and language of Iran. Prior to the arrival of Islam in Iran, the rhythmic poetry and tender songs echoed in the Sasanian palaces.

Arab Muslims launched direct attack on languages and dialects of Iran. Books were burnt. Mobeds and Hirbods (the higher-order Zoroastrian priests) who took care of the literary works were targetted. Use of native scripts like Pahlavi and Khwarezmian declined as local writers were murdered. Soon, the use of the Persian language declined and went silent.

Though Iranians accepted Islam, they were unwilling to learn Arabic. They used to recite the namaz verses in Soghdian Persian in a symbolic deep connect with their language. While this symbolised the Iranian defiance, Persian ceased to be the administrative language. With this, a brutal silence had enveloped Iran for two centuries when melodious poetry, minstrel singing and a nurturing literary environment faded, giving way to Arabic combat verses and laudatory elegies. Laid out in ten chapters, the book elegantly portrays the darkest phase in Iranian history. Targetting religious faith and language, Arabs have tried to exterminate the identity of Iranians.

The rise of the Arabs came at a time when the two powerful Empires- Roman and Byzantine were relatively weakened due to wars. The Sasanid Empire was also in the throes of deterioration, with rampant bigotry, falsehood and concomitant political and spiritual decline. The Sasanid rulers, given to pleasure-seeking, hardly focused on administration; the country was in ruins. In the days leading to Arab raids, the treasonous army and the greedy clergy also abandoned their duties and fled like rats on a sinking ship. The Empire was also on the verge of annihilation. It just needed one hard blow to crumble.

Arabs united under the flagship of the Prophet’s message of brotherhood and equality and steered by jihad, began plundering small provinces. The defeat of the Sasanid Empire, which at its height of glory spanned present-day Iran, Iraq, Syria, Palestine, Lebanon, Jordan, Israel, Egypt, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Dagestan, Afghanistan and parts of Central Asia, at the hands of Muslim Arabs, drastically changed the political, cultural, linguistic and religious landscape of the region. The common man, burdened by the misgovernance of the Sasanid Empire, accepted the new religion without much resistance. However, the racial prejudice and mass slaughter suffered by the Iranians, especially at the hands of the Umayyad Caliphate, seeded deep-seated hatred towards Arabs. Hajjaj, the most brutal Umayyad ruler, destroyed fire temples and built mosques over them.

Over the two centuries, Iranians actively penetrated the administration of the Arab Caliphate and supported all kinds of rebellions against it. Aligning with riots, Iranians successfully overthrew the Umayyad Caliphate. The successor Abbasid Caliphate built the heartland of A Thousand and One Nights in Iraq, lying at the confluence of Arab and Persian civilisations, with the treasures plundered from Iranians. During this period, several non-Arab sects emerged to rekindle spiritual awareness and serve as founts of rebellion. Babak, Mazyar and Afshin led Iranian rebellions. The rebellions considerably weakened Arab influence.

The resistance of Iranians, particularly in Khorasan and Tabarestan, led to rise of two Iranian dynasties which resurrected Iran. The Taherian Iranian dynasty defeated Arabs and laid the foundation for Iranian independence. The two centuries from the fall of Nahavand in 642 CE to the death of Babak in 838CE have been a period of intense struggle.

The objective portrayal of the Iranian struggle to free itself from the yoke of Muslim Arabs makes this book a quintessential read for Iranians to fathom their civilisational struggle and resilience. This struggle hard-wired and shaped Iranian animosity towards the Arabs. This deep-seated historical, ethnic and ideological bitterness persists even now.  The animosity has two dimensions to them- ethnicity and religion. Iranians considered themselves elitist and civilised and regarded Arab desert dwellers as uncouth, while Arabs rejected Iran’s Shia practices.

The passionate elucidation of Iranian struggles provides rare insights about the civilisational attributes of Iranians. Ancient civilisations across the world have been extremely resilient. Having weathered centuries of political upheavals and military campaigns, they have the historic memory of absorbing brutal shocks. What is particularly interesting about the Iranian struggle has been their relentless quest for autonomy. Caught unaware, having initially accepted Islam, Iran resolutely fought back to assert their identity. With little or no knowledge of administration, Arabs had to seek Iranian help to govern. Iranians who were the elitist cream of the Arab administration tactically controlled the Arab Caliphates. Admitting Iranian superiority, the Umayyad Caliphate said, “I am amazed by these Iranians. They ruled for a thousand years and even for an hour did not need our help; we have ruled no more than a century, but have not been able to do without them for an hour.” (p 87).

Analysing the historical endurance of countries, in this case Iran, is extremely important to assess how it can survive long fights. With the Iran-US war showing no signs of an end, policy makers, leaders and geopolitical analysts must look at the historical antecedents of the opponents to recalibrate their strategies.

This historical book, which is more inquiry-driven, offers a fact-oriented perspective. Avoiding exaggerated portrayal of Arab zealotry, the author, wary of punitive consequences of dissent, maintains a reflective tone. While its nuanced prose lends the book a distinctive scholarly quality, the detached narration of mass slaughter ultimately underscores the pressures of ideological conformity in Iran.

 

Printed Pages: 335

Publisher: Author House

 

From Gods to the God: Christianisation of the Roman Empire

 Secularism in India, broadly borrowed from the West, embodies the concept of “Sarva Dharma Sama Bhava". Ironically, there is no Western equivalent of Dharma. Again, to fit India’s principled approach to the Western secularism template, Dharma is loosely equated with religion and, by extension, the philosophy of the Indian state is rooted in “equal respect for all religions”. By interchangeably using Dharma and Religion, the sweeping magnitude of timeless traditions is contained within a limited, cyclical, and dogmatic religious framework; the vastness of the civilisational inheritance is distilled into one truth and a world of binaries.

In the process, some of the beliefs and rituals associated with these timeless traditions are negated, labelled as pagan and branded as uncivilised. By tracing origins to a single biblical figure and adopting a linear approach to history, with a beginning and an end to creation, the narrow Western theological framework developed the concept of Religion’. The word religio, with its Latin roots, was historically referred to as a bond, an obligation or principled reverence to gods. An alternative explanation suggests that the word ‘religion’ is associated with the Latin word ‘religare’ meaning to rebind, reconnect or renew. The Roman philosophers described ‘Religion’ as a ‘dutiful obligation to divine matters’. However, with covenants forming the bedrock of these Western faiths, despite various interpretations, a reciprocal obligation remains their core doctrine. This foundational concept sets the Western faith apart from the age-old traditions of polytheism.

Indian culture, rooted in a polytheistic tradition, has been syncretic and inclusive. But now, it is facing theological onslaughts from the monotheistic Western worldview that continues to shape the dominant global narratives. History bears sobering evidence of the decimation of the polytheistic traditions at the hands of imperialistic monotheistic faiths. Polytheism has been the default cultural way of living for millennia. Broken temples, silenced gods and dilapidated structures in Greece, Syria and Anatolia are a poignant reminder of fallen faiths. With Sanatana Dharma facing a two-pronged attack from the proselytising monotheistic religions, it is important to study their origins and doctrinal values and examine their suitability for modern societies. Tracing the origins of monotheistic religions from a historical perspective, Dr Rama Seshan C, in his debut book, “From Gods to the God: Christianisation of the Roman Empire”, offers a comprehensive overview of the theological foundations of Western civilisation.

The book, believed to be the first part of the series, explores the origins of Christianity deeply embedded in Judaism. Structured into seventeen chapters, the 532 page provides a comprehensive view of monotheism beginning from the biblical figure Abraham. Besides a primary introduction to Judaism, Christianity, Islam and polytheistic culture, the pedagogical approach to the subject makes it very interesting. Be mused to find sections named Abrahamic Religions 101, Geography 101, and The Hebrew Bible 101. True to their titles, all of them lay a solid foundation to understand the concepts of monotheism and polytheism.

Akin to a course plan at the beginning of the academic curriculum which enlists the different aspects that would be dealt with during the course of study, the introductory chapter clearly lists out all the aspects of the book in an orderly manner. The initial chapters of the book exude a rare pedagogical style of narration. A few pages into the book, the reader would get the feeling of having enrolled on a Theology course. The unique didactic approach adopted by the author would convince the reader that the author must have been an excellent teacher.

 

What makes this historical treatise an interesting read is the metrics plotted in a graph for the predicted proportional rise of the Christian population in the Roman Empire and in India (factoring that for every 100 Christians, one Hindu is converted every year). The book takes you on a time travel starting from biblical Abraham, the migration of his grandson Jacob (Israel) from Canaan (present-day Southern Levant) and his clan to Egypt to escape severe famine along with his son Joseph. Enslaved by the Egyptians for generations, freed during the Exodus and led by Moses, they eventually conquer and settle down in the promised land led by Joshua. 

The clan unite under King Saul, King David and King Solomon. But after Solomon, under his son Rehoboam, 10 Northern tribes and two southern states separate. The Southern tribes of Judah and Benjamin, loyal to the line of King David and Solomon, establish the Kingdom of Judah with Jerusalem as capital and inherit the temple built by Solomon. While the Northern tribes, which subscribe to inclusive worship of Baal, Asherah and Yahweh, make Samaria their capital.

Around the 6^th century BCE, the Babylonians destroy the First Temple and force Judah’s residents to Babylon. By around 539 BCE, the Achaemenid Empire based in Persia under Cyrus allows the exiles in Babylon to go back to their homeland and helps them build the Second Temple in 516 BCE. Indeed, all the events related to Jewish people are marked by specific covenants or reciprocal promises between God and people, where God offers protection and direction while people agree to uphold the principles enunciated by him. The book specifically refers to the Abrahamic Covenant, which establishes Abraham as the father of many nations; the Mosaic Covenant, where God promises to make Israel a treasured possession and, in return, people must obey his commandments and Torah; Davidic Covenant, where God promises David that one of his descendants will reign over Israel forever. All these covenants are detailed in the Hebrew Bible.

The covenants form the bedrock of Christianity, which draws its doctrinal principles from the Hebrew Bible. Effortlessly segueing the story from the Promised Land to the times of Roman Occupation of Israel to the crucifixion of Jesus Christ, the author incrementally introduces the reader to the foundational framework of Christianity. Alongside, the book takes a deep dive into the connection between Ancient Rome, Greece, and the Hellenistic Age, providing a brief glimpse of the intellectual and cultural vibrancy of Greek society. After the death of Alexander in 323 BCE, his vast empire was divided among his four generals, forming Hellenistic Kingdoms.

After intense battles, Israel became part of the Seleucid kingdom by around 200BCE. Till 178BCE, Jews were ruled by a council of priests, the ‘Gerusia’, on behalf of the Hellenistic Kingdom, and they were allowed to practice their faith as long as they paid taxes. But Seleucid Monarch Antiochus IV Epiphanes attempted to impose Hellenic Law. The Hasmoneans, the orthodox Jews, rebelled, triggering the Maccabean Revolt, following which they were allowed to return to their old practices. The temple was also rededicated, celebrated as Hanukkah, leading to the eventual establishment of the Hasmonean Jewish Kingdom with King Simon as their first ruler.

The polytheistic Greek culture introduced Greek culture and Gods but allowed the worship of old gods. As a result, a syncretic society with two sets of gods and culture prevailed. But the Monotheistic Judaism does not allow the worship of any other gods. For the first time, the Hasmonean King John Hyrcanus, after conquering the neighbouring kingdoms, attempted to convert non-Jews in response to Hellenisation. After 80 years of Hasmonean Rule, due to bitter rivalry between Hyrcanus II and Aristobulus II, the Kingdom of Judah fell into the hands of the Romans in 63 BCE. Since then, Jews were under foreign rule until 1948.

Romans ruled Judah through a puppet King, Herod the Great, who belonged to the Edomite Dynasty whose ancestors were converted to Judaism. Though he lavishly expanded the Second Temple, Jews disliked him as he was a convert and not an ethnic Jew. It was during his reign that Jesus Christ was born in Bethlehem. While Jesus was crucified by the Romans, Jews were held responsible. The gospels of Christ, which appeared 40 years after his death, were predominantly anti-Semitic. The epistles, especially those of the apostle Paul, who was a Pharisaic Jew, steered such rhetoric and accused them of deicide (p187).

The first generation of Christians increasingly believed that they were living at the end of human history and that God would lead the world through judgement after resurrection. The apocalyptic fervour is part of the discourse of both Christianity and Islam. While this was toned down with “good news” in later texts, this is still a dominant theme in Islam. “In the Abrahamic worldview, god is apart from nature and not to be found in nature, and there is nothing divine about nature”. In Hinduism, everything is gods. In Islam, everything is God’s. The apostrophe makes all the difference. (p203)

The stark fundamental differences between the Abrahamic and Pagan faith systems became a point of intense friction as the Christian population began to increase. Pagans didn’t care what you believed as long as you didn’t insult their beliefs. All they demanded was appropriate action and sacrifice. They believed anything about the gods or the world, and hence philosophy and science blossomed, and society flourished without any religious opposition. The Greco-Roman world before the onset of Christianity was pagan. Pagans valued ancestral and cultural continuity. For Christians and Muslims, “what is of supreme importance is one’s personal relation with God and a seat in future heaven”. The focus on individual future progress without regard to the collective values and ancestral traditions is reflected in the apocalyptic verses of the New Testament (p216). Another glaring and notable difference between the Pagan and Abrahamic religions is the absence of a supreme feminine goddess. Ancient Romans and Greeks had a Mother goddess, a deity of fertility. There is no divinity associated with Abrahamic religions, especially Judaism and Islam, since the Virgin Mary was elevated to a worshipable entity by Christians.

The Edict of Milan of 313, issued by Emperors Constantine and Licinius, propelled the rise of Christianity as a marginalised group into a dominant and powerful entity. Pagans, though a majority in terms of numbers, were caught unaware by the slow and systemic rise of Christians under the Emperors, feigned tolerance and never openly divulged their faith for fear of losing the support of Pagans who were influential and majoritarian. Rulers, decidedly anti-pagan, slowly began to admonish religious practices and rituals. They imposed restrictions on their festivals, except those that generated money and stripped off their rituals were allowed. Deeming divination and animal practices as superstitions, people were warned from continuing such practices. Special favours and tax waivers were bestowed on Christian majority areas. Announcing capital punishment for idolatry and animal sacrifices, Pagans were forced to abdicate their ancestral practices.

Over a period of time, temple valuables were looted, idols destroyed, sacrificial places desecrated and vandalised, forcing pagans to abandon them. Idols and books were burnt. The City of Constantinople was raised and adorned with the spoils of temples in Greece. With the notable exception of Emperor Julian, who returned to Paganism for a brief period, the Christian rulers passed decrees and legislation targeting the priestly class, forcing the closure of temples. Soon, pagans were denied government jobs and removed from imperial jobs. Labelling them as heretics, they were not allowed to construct any temples and imposed the strictest punishments for apostates or people who relapsed into paganism from Christianity. Evangelisation, which began in the countryside, spread like a storm engulfing various sections of society. The upper class were quick to convert to escape the wrath of the rulers.

 By 600 CE, there weren’t any pagans left in the Roman Empire. In two centuries, even all traces of paganism were wiped out. Christianity appropriated the Jewish Bible as the Old Testament. Claiming that its laws no longer applied to Christians, they nevertheless used selected Old Testament verses, misinterpreting them as prophecies of Christ's coming. Similarly, they removed myths from Greco-Roman texts and retained verses of Pagan authors to make it appear to predict the coming of Christ. Cultural appropriation is ingrained in the DNA of Christianity- else what explains the practices of ghee lamps, Dwaja Stambha and hymns of Yesu Suprabhatam in Catholic and Protestant Churches of South India?   

The methodical erasure of the pagan faith system in the Roman Empire is no different from the threats the majority in India, the Hindus, are facing. Ironically, Christians who were once a minority pleaded with the pagans to practice their faith. But once their numbers began to grow, their overpowering caused the extermination of pagans.

The last chapter of the book, ‘Christianity in the Present Secular World’, brilliantly dissects the various aspects of Christianity-particularly its glorification of weakness and weaponisation of suffering. The cardinal principle of favouring weakness and meekness finds contemporary expression in the Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (DEI) rhetoric and the reservation policies. Christianity, as the bedrock of Western Civilisation, has profoundly shaped many concepts and values like secularism, communism, social justice and Islamic theology, making an understanding of its psyche, motivations, origins and end goal indispensable.

Busting some well-guarded myths through his meticulously researched work, the author has daringly exposed the perfidy of the religion of love where the use of force for conversion receives a religious sanction. According to Paul, “conversion is not a betrayal of faith but homecoming, as only one true god existed since the dawn of creation; demons corrupted it” (p528). The book is an essential read and highly recommended for researchers keen on rational analysis of faiths based on a theological framework and for enthusiasts who want to understand global religious history.

I would like to commend the author for his painstaking scholarship in producing this work, which offers a bold, balanced and dispassionate articulation of Abrahamic faiths in general and Christianity in particular. The work also issues a stark warning to the world's only surviving major polytheistic faith, urging it to critically reflect and assess the challenges posed by the exclusivist Abrahamic traditions.

 

Printed Pages: 576

Publishers: BLUONEINK Pvt LtdTop of FormBottom of Form

India’s Maritime Arc Gains Momentum with Indonesia

Indonesia is India’s closest maritime neighbour, separated by 100 nautical miles. Trump administration’s decision to restore the old name of US Pacific Command, an attempt to de-emphasise the Indo-Pacific, is now emerging as a powerful regional binding force with PM Modi’s visit to Indonesia. Revoking the nomenclature adopted in 2017 while extracting the region from the superpower contestations has prompted the littorals in the region to align and recentre energies for inclusive growth and prosperity.

PM Modi embarked on a three-nation visit to Indonesia, Australia and New Zealand on July 6th. Greeted with a historic welcome, with Indonesian Air Force F-16 and Sukhoi-30 fighter jets escorting Air India One after entering Indonesian airspace, upon his touchdown, PM Modi was accorded a gun salute. Warmly received by Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto and four Cabinet Ministers on the tarmac, PM Modi’s arrival in Jakarta was marked by unusual gestures of cordiality.

The high notes of the diplomatic symphony, brimming with geniality, were witnessed in the grand ceremonial reception accorded to PM Modi at Istana Merdeka, the Presidential Palace. At the Official banquet, President Prabowo candidly admitted, “I follow your career, and I copy many of your programs. I don't mind admitting it because it succeeds for hundreds of millions of people with the same background as Indonesia”, and joked, “very happy that there is no copyright” on PM Modi’s program. The remarks, besides validating the governance initiatives of PM Modi, endorse the positive results of initiatives adopted from India. Indonesian delegation toured India to study agricultural innovations, and this open acknowledgement underscores growing policy cooperation between the countries.

Displaying a rare camaraderie, President Prabowo accompanied PM Modi to the Indian Community reception, attended PM Modi’s address to the Joint Session of Parliament, and conferred on him the highest civilian award of Indonesia- Bintang Republik Indonesia Adipurna or Star of the Republic of Indonesia. President Prabowo’s invocation of “Indian DNA” claims, apart from his earlier revelations at the Presidential Banquet hosted by President Murmu on his India visit as Guest of Honour for the Republic Day celebrations in 2025, besides drawing smiles, highlighted the immense respect he holds for the cultural relationship with India. His special gesture of riding along with PM Modi for the launch of the India-assisted restoration of the Prambanan Temples, a display of deep mutual respect and appreciation for civilisational connections, earned the praise of millions of Indians.

Built in the 9^th century, the Prambanan Temple complex, the largest in Indonesia, is a magnificent Hindu architectural and engineering marvel. Dedicated to Trimurti- Bhagwan Shiva, Bhagwan Vishnu and Bhagwan Brahma- it stands as an enduring symbol of shared civilisational and cultural heritage. By spearheading the restoration of Hindu heritage centres across South East Asia, India is reclaiming its civilisational heritage.

PM Modi’s visit to Indonesia, while setting a new benchmark in bonhomie and friendship, was compellingly significant in terms of bilateral outcomes. Besides reviving heritage beyond borders, the comprehensive and intensive discussions laid a strong foundation for a Free, Open, Inclusive Indo-Pacific. Sitting astride the crucial trade routes connecting the two oceans, Indonesia and India are the two most important maritime gatekeepers of the Indo-Pacific region. To beef up maritime security, countries have renewed a security cooperation arrangement between the Indian Coast Guard and BAKAMLA RI. Indonesia is also deploying a Liaison officer to the Information Fusion Centre- Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR).

Indonesia’s security challenges are twofold. Given its location along the Sea Lines of Communication (SLOC), ensuring the safety of the waterways is both a matter of national security and an economic imperative. Additionally, the growing Chinese incursions into the North Natuna Sea are pushing the archipelago to the edge. Indonesia’s interest in enhancing engagements in traditional and emerging areas of defence cooperation stems from evolving security challenges.

Along with the traditional aspects of cooperation- capacity building, information sharing, port calls and exchanges to strengthen maritime deterrence- Indonesia is purchasing India’s supersonic BrahMos missile system and indigenously built beyond-visual-range-air-to-air (BVRAAM) Astra Mk I missiles, a $630 million deal. Indonesia, which began talks on the BrahMos in 2021, fast-tracked the process after the missile’s performance during Operation Sindoor, becoming the third export customer after the Philippines and Vietnam.

Interestingly, both BrahMos and Astra missiles can be integrated with Indonesia’s Air fleet comprising Su-27 and Su-30 fighter jets. Indonesia is the first foreign customer of the Astra missiles. This procurement validates India’s evolving defence manufacturing capabilities. This also marks a major milestone in India’s journey as a defence exporter and underscores how defence exports are becoming an instrument of foreign policy.

While defence acquisitions would bolster security and provide deterrence for broader economic and strategic integration, countries agreed to jointly develop Sabang Port, which overlooks the strategic Malacca Straits. An estimated 75-80% of Chinese oil imports pass through the Strait. Developing Sabang will help India counter China’s growing influence and presence in the Indian Ocean Region. Lying at the northern tip of Sumatra Island, Sabang is 90 nautical miles from Indira Point, the southernmost point of the Andaman & Nicobar Islands, which is India’s tri-service command centre. India is also working on the mega Great Nicobar transhipment port.

Sabang can complement Great Nicobar Port and augment India’s strategic presence in the Eastern Indian Ocean Region. This can greatly boost its Act East Policy in terms of connectivity, forward- deployment logistics, and maritime tourism by expanding trade and unlocking commercial opportunities with Indonesia and Southeast Asia. By integrating Sabang with the Bay of Bengal ports, countries are realising the 2018 shared vision on Maritime Cooperation for the Indo-Pacific. Overseeing the critical maritime corridors and chokepoints Sunda, Lombok, Makassar and Malacca, Indonesia is the ultimate gatekeeper of the Indo-Pacific. Through the Sabang collaborative project and the missile hardware, India has created a defence canopy and an impenetrable maritime domain over the eastern gateway to the Indian Ocean. Securing access to Sabang will give India’s operational requirements for refuelling and maritime patrolling a huge fillip.

Sabang, a submarine base under the Imperial Japanese Navy, was where Netaji Subas Bose alighted after a daring sub-to-sub (from German to Japanese submarine) transfer off the coast of Madagascar to take charge of the Indian National Army (INA) in 1943.

Beyond security and defence and maritime cooperation, the comprehensive strategic partnership between the countries spans four additional areas - economic and trade cooperation, health, pharma, food and energy security, people-to-people relations and civilisational connect. Synergising the developmental visions of both countries, Viksit Bharat 2047 and Indonesia Emas 2045, and seeking broader economic integration, the countries are now operationalising guidelines for trade in national currencies. Bilateral trade with Indonesia, India’s second-largest trading partner, has expanded from $4.3 billion to $38.34 billion in 2023-24.

With a population of 288 million, Indonesia is the world’s fourth most populous country. The country holds Presidential, national, and regional elections on a single day. The arduous process of manual vote counting and exhaustion caused by it led to the death of over 500 election officials in 2019. In 2024 polls, despite government measures, close to 100 election volunteers died and over 4000 fell ill. The vital instruments of India’s robust election architecture, the EVMs, have set a new benchmark for being tamper-proof and accurate. Seeking to overhaul its voting system, Indonesia has signed an MoU for customising EVM technology, validating India’s voting system and putting to rest fraudulent allegations. Marking 100 years of Rabindranath Tagore’s visit to Indonesia, countries have designated 2026-27 as the Tagore-Dewantara Year of Cultural and Educational Diplomacy. India has announced plans to establish IIM Bangalore’s first overseas branch at Singhasari SEZ.

Reliable supplies of critical minerals have become a strategic priority for countries given their indispensability for the clean energy missions, defence technology and semiconductors. Monopolisation, weaponisation and export restrictions have raised concerns over the reliability of supply chains. West Asian crisis exacerbated it further. In the past two years, India has signed pacts with 35 countries to secure their access. Indonesia has the world’s largest reserves of nickel, essential for the clean energy transition and a raw material for stainless steel. India has signed an MoU for the development of rare earth magnets. Simultaneously, India’s SAIL is exploring a JV with Indonesian PT Krakatau Steel for setting up a stainless-steel slab manufacturing facility in India.

Countries have also signed MoUs on health collaboration, space exploration, medical products registration, disaster management, telecommunications technologies and sharing expertise for building an Open Network based on Open Network for Digital Commerce (ONDC). India pledged 100 tonnes of high-quality DWR 162 Wheat seeds as part of food security cooperation.

Bilateral ties evolved into a robust Comprehensive Strategic Partnership during PM Modi’s visit in 2018. The trajectory of India-Indonesian ties, etched in brotherhood, as PM Modi recalled in his address to the Joint Session of the Parliament, has important geopolitical lessons.

The shared struggle against imperial rule has been at the heart of the India-Indonesia brotherhood. India strongly supported Indonesian sovereignty. The reference to Odisha’s Biju Patnaik’s daring evacuation of Sukarno is a testament to the strong friendship between the countries. Sukarno was the Chief Guest for India’s first Republic Day celebrations in 1950. Leaders-PM Jawaharlal Nehru and President Sukarno championed Afro-Asian solidarity, anti-colonialism and non-alignment. Indonesia hosted the first Afro-Asian conference, a precursor to NAM, in Bandung in 1955. But the relations soured after Nehru refused to back Indonesia’s bid to hold the second edition of the conference. Driven by grandiose maritime ambitions, Sukarno began to side with Pakistan.

In a sharp departure from a neutral stand on Kashmir, Sukarno sided with Pakistan. Indonesia even offered 5000 volunteers to Pakistan during the 1965 war with India and requested Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) to grant access to its airports. Sukarno reportedly lent a flotilla of six Russian-built frigates and two submarines to Pakistan. While China hasn’t entered the water, the Pakistan-China-Indonesia axis emerged as a major security threat for India during the war. Sukarno planned to seize the Andaman & Nicobar Islands (ANI) and declared his plans for the “Indonesian Ocean”. In the early 1960s, Indonesia considered ANI to be an extension of Sumatra.

Sukarno harboured ambitious maritime plans and made some aggressive attempts to takeover Papau New Guinea, straining ties with Australia as well. Stretched for resources to defend the continental frontiers, India barely had any force to defend the ANI. Six decades hence, India, the resident power of the Indian Ocean, has steadily emerged as a security provider for the region. Working under the frameworks of the East Asia Summit (EAS), the Indo-Pacific Oceans’ Initiative (IPOI) and the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and guided by the Free and Open Indo-Pacific vision, India and Indonesia have deepened maritime security cooperation. Sabang Port development and plans for integration with the Great Nicobar Project and the Bay of Bengal ports are a huge leap forward in the strategic maritime partnership.

As maritime nations straddling vital trade routes, India and Indonesia are increasingly positioned as natural security providers of the Indian Ocean region. Anchored in centuries-old civilisational ties and shaped by contemporary geopolitical imperatives, the strong personal chemistry between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Prabowo Subianto has transformed diplomatic goodwill into concrete strategic outcomes, strengthening the comprehensive strategic partnership and reinforcing a shared vision for a secure, prosperous Indo-Pacific.

@ Copyrights reserved.

Seychelles, a Vital Node in New Delhi’s Indian Ocean Arc

PM Modi was on a three-day visit to Seychelles (June 27-29), his second since 2015, to attend the 50^th anniversary of their independence. Invited to grace the National Day Celebrations as the guest of honour, the visit also coincides with 50 years of the establishment of diplomatic ties between India and Seychelles. Received ceremoniously by Seychellois President Patrick Herimine and Vice President Sebastian Pillar, the diplomatic warmth resonates with the growing trust in the strategic partnership.

Disparate in sizes and separated by the Indian Ocean, which is also the binding anchor in the relationships, both nations exuded a new enthusiasm, an ocean of opportunities to build an enduring partnership. Though small in land area, just 460 square kilometres, Seychelles commands an Exclusive Economic Zone of 1.3 million square kilometres and sits adjacent to the Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs). Notwithstanding the size, India has always treated nations with respect and as equal partners. Reiterating the significance of maritime neighbours in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), PM Modi announced that Seychelles is an important partner of India’s SAGAR vision in 2015.

India’s historic ties with the Indian Ocean Islands stretch back several centuries, and the Indian Diaspora played a pivotal role in nurturing the connections. The first recorded arrival of five Indians on board the Thelemaque ship at Saint Anne Island of Seychelles dates to 1770. Since then, successive waves of migrations from Tamil Nadu and Gujarat have created enduring bonds of cultural and economic linkages between the two nations. The bilateral ties are underpinned by close people-to-people connections, with the Indian community accounting for 10 per cent of the Seychelles population serving as a living bridge.

During his visit, PM Modi underlined that Seychelles lies at the convergence of India’s advocacy for the Global South policy and the Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth for All in the Region (MAHASAGAR) Vision, a holistic approach to Ocean governance. It attempts to integrate maritime safety challenges- maritime terrorism, piracy, drug trafficking, Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated (IUU) fishing with climate action, blue economy, sustainability, resilience and connectivity, which are vital aspects for maritime nations.

After Iran’s weaponisation of geography during the recent conflict, the strategic importance of maritime routes has become more pronounced. Comprising 115 islands, Seychelles, an archipelago spanning 4° to 10° South of the equator, is close to choke points - Mozambique Channel, Bab-el-Mandeb and Cape of Good Hope and major energy trade routes. Aligning with the security requirements of the archipelago, India has gifted two Dornier aircraft in the past and during the current visit, PM Modi announced the upgradation of an aircraft with a glass cockpit and the completion of the refit of PS Zoroaster. Additionally, India has gifted a fast patrol vessel, L’Espoir (meaning Hope in Creole), 10 utility vehicles and five laser-assisted radial boats for maritime surveillance.

Developmental Partnership was at the core of India’s partnership with Seychelles and perfectly blends with the Joint Vision for Sustainability, Economic Growth and Security through Enhanced Linkages (SESEL) adopted by both countries in February 2026. This vision is mirrored in India’s assistance to the nation in development projects, capacity building and training as per its requirements and priorities.  

Notably, one in every 50 Seychellois has been a part of India’s training programmes. These formed the bulk of the MoUs signed between countries, and other outcomes included agreements on UPI digital payment infrastructure, export of generic medicines, agriculture, extradition, recognition of seafarers’ training, line of credit, space cooperation and development of a new Seychelles National Hospital. Leaders have laid the ground for the construction of the Seychelles Professional and Technical Education Centre under the special economic package of $175 million announced during President Herminie’s visit to India in February 2026.

For the first time, India extended credit in rupees amounting to Rs 1250 crores. India also provided the archipelago with 500 metric tons of rice and 8500 tons of cement to stabilise food security and infrastructure challenges which were faced due to the Middle East crisis.

Simultaneously, countries are also advancing cooperation in energy, especially green energy and climate action. Seychelles is a Small Island Developing State (SIDS), highly vulnerable to climate change. In his address to the National Assembly, the first ever by an Indian Prime Minister, PM Modi, who calls SIDS, Large Ocean Countries, expressed his steadfast commitment to advance their aspirations at the global level. Positioning the Blue Economy as a strategic pillar of the bilateral relationship, keen on championing climate change, India pledged to share expertise in ocean observation, marine science, and coastal management. Seychelles joined India’s Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI), affirming its trust in India’s climate leadership. In recognition of the pioneering efforts of PM Modi in combatting climate change, Seychelles aptly honoured him with the “Guardian of Blue Horizon” honour.

The conferment of the highest distinction by Seychelles is a new milestone in the India-Seychelles relationship that witnessed cyclical fluctuations in diplomatic ties. In 2015, PM Modi, during his Indian Ocean outreach, signed foundation agreements with Mauritius and Seychelles to build strategic installations at Agalega and Assumption Islands, respectively. In 2024, India and Mauritius jointly inaugurated an air and naval staging facility at Agalega Island. However, eleven years later, the Assumption Island agreement, hijacked by narrative, hit a roadblock.

India’s maritime plans in the Indian Ocean suffered a setback after usual suspects began to peddle Agalega and Assumption Island agreements as military bases. In 2021, strongly denying reports of surrendering sovereignty, Mauritius disclosed the dual-use capabilities of the project. Both India and Mauritius even reworked the blueprint of the project to allay local concerns over environmental fears. Agalega now serves the twin purposes of catering to the patrolling needs of the 2.3 million Sq.km of Mauritian EEZ and offering critical logistical and surveillance support to the Indian Navy.

In 2018, India and Seychelles revised the text of the Assumption Island agreement, which President David Faure approved. The revised text wasn’t made public, fanning dangerous speculation and suspicion about a 20-year lease for the construction of an airstrip and jetty. Indian-origin leader of the opposition in the parliament, Wavel John Charles Ramkalawan, stalled its ratification even after India clarified that the operational control would be with Seychelles. After Ramkalawan became President in 2020, India reiterated its commitment to strengthening maritime security and sent 50,000 doses of COVID vaccine. After COVID, the Assumption Island project lost momentum. Though Ramkalawan didn’t cancel the Assumption Island agreement, he didn’t even ratify it. President Herimine won the October 2025 Presidential elections and visited India in February 2026.

Located southwest of Seychelles, Assumption Island lies along the Mozambique Channel through which global trade transits. Recognising the strategic importance of Seychelles, China has forged close ties with the archipelago through infrastructure contracts since 2000. It has built the Supreme Court, the National Assembly, law institutes, academic institutes, roads, buildings and signed a defence pact in 2004. By 2011, Beijing commenced negotiations for a naval base at Assumption Island and faced domestic opposition over environmental concerns. The Island is close to Aldabra Atoll, a UNESCO World Heritage Site and home to the World’s largest population of tortoises. After China established its first overseas military base at Djibouti, it dropped the Assumption Island plan. This injected a sense of urgency into India’s strategic calculus, prompting New Delhi to secure a foothold in the region.

The strategic geographic location of Seychelles and the India-China rivalry have lent the archipelago strong leverage. Successive leaders of Seychelles secured maximum gratification from India and China by indulging in double talks. Factoring in Seychelles’ colonial legacy as a former French-British colony, India has even explored a trilateral cooperation arrangement for Assumption Island with France. Seychelles’ current dispensation has adopted a new vision which heavily leans on defence capacity-building, joint patrolling, and hydrography. A special invitation to PM Modi as Guest of Honour for the 50^th National Day Celebrations underscores a growing trust in India’s friendship.

Along with a change in leadership, India’s remarkable role in the UK-Mauritius treaty and the transfer of sovereignty of the Chagos Archipelago to Mauritius are no mean feat. This diplomatic success, along with India’s strategic patience towards the Maldives in turning an anti-India regime into a friendly one, is definitely not lost on these Indian Ocean Nations. It may not be a coincidence that PM Modi has also been the Guest of Honour for the 50^th anniversary of Mauritius Independence Day Celebrations. On that eve, India signed a landmark agreement to establish a satellite telemetry, tracking and communication (TTC) station in the Chagos Archipelago, in a huge boost to India’s space research and maritime surveillance capabilities.

Upholding the mantra of win-win partnership, India has been forging close ties with the extended neighbourhood in the Indian Ocean. Traditionally, India has been the security provider to the entire region and has played a crucial role in averting coups in the Maldives and Seychelles. In the 1980’s several coup attempts were made against President René of the Seychelles. Indian Navy launched “Operation Flowers Are Blooming” in 1986 and dispatched INS Vindhyagiri to Victoria after receiving a firsthand intelligence report of a coup by the Defence Minister. Indian Vessel remained at the port on the pretext of repair for two months and averted the coup. In another instance, President Rene was away from Seychelles for the Non-Aligned Conference in Harare. PM Rajiv Gandhi, who was at the conference having learnt about a coup attempt, lent his Air Force One to reach Port Victoria. 

Seychelles’ status as a high-income country has led many Western countries to scale back financial and military aid, creating a critical gap in the archipelago’s maritime security capabilities. India has stepped up to fill this critical role. To strengthen its engagement, India has constituted the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), which includes Mauritius and Seychelles. Seychelles has now become a full member of the Colombo Security Conclave (CSC), which primarily focuses on maritime safety and security.

India now has a permanent eye in the Western Indian Ocean through which Chinese naval vessels must pass when transiting between the Pacific and Indian Ocean theatres. As Beijing continues to expand its commercial and military infrastructure with ‘Pearl of Strings’ encircling India, New Delhi is also broadening its arc of influence.

 Mauritius and Seychelles are emerging as key nodes in India’s evolving Indian Ocean Arc, complementing Lakshadweep, Nicobar Islands, Indonesia’s Sabang and Singapore. Through sustained, patient and consequential diplomacy, India is transforming engagement with littoral states into mutually beneficial strategic infrastructure.

Laying out India’s vision, PM Modi succinctly stated, “The Indian Ocean does not separate India and Seychelles. It connects us. That is why we meet not as strangers. We meet as old friends”. The statement encapsulates India’s vision for the region- one rooted in shared history, mutual respect and a common commitment to ensuring that the Indian Ocean remains safe, secure, open and inclusive.

 

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France at the Heart of India’s Tech Pivot

PM Modi’s seventh visit to France, spread across three phases, featured the inauguration of Bharat Innovates 2026 at Nice, a quick trip to Évian-les-Bains for the G7 meetings and a stopover at Paris for the France VivaTech Summit.

With geopolitical uncertainties mounting and traditional alliance structures rapidly eroding, the global order is undergoing significant realignment. Openly acknowledging this huge shift, PM Modi, addressing the G7 Summit, declared, “trust is the new global currency” and called for a world that moves “from donor-recepient to partnerships based on trust and equality”. Instructively, while new interest-based coalitions are shaping up, only partnerships anchored in ‘mutual trust and mutual respect’, like Indo-French ties, remained resilient amid global upheavals.

India and France elevated ties to “Special Global Strategic Partnership” in February 2026 and jointly inaugurated the India-France Year of Innovation to expand and diversify cooperation in AI, innovation, digital technology, renewable energy, trade and education. The journey of both countries as partners in innovation began with the Paris AI Action Summit, co-hosted by President Macron and PM Modi in 2025. Taking up the baton, India held the subsequent AI Summit edition in New Delhi.

Coincidentally, both countries have reviewed ties a day after the US ordered Anthropic to suspend access to foreign countries. Besides, jolting countries from complacency, it has exposed the critical vulnerability of relying on foreign technological infrastructure.  The weaponisation of AI has triggered debates of technological sovereignty. It served as a wake-up call for nations to build sovereign infrastructure and develop independent foundational models. To insulate businesses from such shocks, enterprises are now moving away from single-model dependencies to multi-model architectures.

To safeguard technological sovereignty from the overbearing conduct of the superpowers, Middle powers are now deepening issue-based coalitions. The coming together of India and France, both Middle Powers, is also rooted in their quest to unlock innovation potential and build a future-oriented innovation partnership. Positioning innovation as an important pillar of partnership with the India-France Innovation Roadmap 2030, countries attest to its role in economic resilience, sustainable development, strategic autonomy, and technological and industrial sovereignty.

Firming up the innovation partnership, France hosted the first foreign edition of Bharat Innovates, a flagship initiative showcasing India’s deep-tech startups. This platform aims to become a launchpad for India’s technological ambitions. Jointly inaugurated by PM Modi and President Macron, 120 Indian startups and 500 global investors, venture capitalists, and business leaders participated in the event.

Technology remained one of the focus aspects of PM Modi’s week-long visit to France and Slovakia, where he eloquently presented India’s human-centric and inclusive AI vision. To mobilise tech cooperation and investments, PM Modi attended the 10^th edition of VivaTech in Paris, where India was the AI country of focus. At the event, PM Modi met CEOs of Mistral AI, Saint Gobain, Alstom and the CMA CGM Group and briefed them about India’s aspirations of becoming an innovation economy. Addressing the event, PM Modi hard sold India’s digital transformation that has phenomenally revolutionised Indian lives by delivering prosperity at the grassroots levels.

Attended by tech giants, innovators, business leaders and 15,000 startups drawn from 165 countries, the Paris edition also had an Indian Pavilion. Over 80 deep-tech Indian startups showcased their innovations at the event.  Taking a serious note of the US government’s directive to Anthropic to suspend access to Fable 5 and Mythos 5 models for foreign nationals, European companies like Siemens, Renault, Chaps Vision announced their plans to diversify their AI providers at the event.

Rearing to become an innovation economy, India is investing heavily to build a technology ecosystem. In the past decades, India has launched Startup India, Digital India Programme (2015), National Supercomputing Mission (2015), Semicon India Programme (2021), Design Linked Incentive Scheme (DLI, 2021), National Quantum Mission (2023), National Blockchain Framework (2021), Chips to Startup Programme (C2S, 2022), and the Bharat6G Alliance (B6GA, 2023) to harness the innovative potential of Indian youth.

Sustained investments and strong policy support helped India rise to the 38^th position in the Global Innovation Index in 2025 from the 81^st position in 2015. India ranks first among lower-middle-income countries in innovation. But India’s ranking woefully falls short of its ambitious vision of a $10 trillion economy by 2034-25. Despite strong digital infrastructure, a huge talent pool, government initiatives and massive AI penetration, India fares rather poorly in terms of AI infrastructure and innovation. Its R&D investment (0.65 per cent of GDP) is way behind the global average (2-3 per cent). Stymied by brain drain, India suffers from an innovation output and input balance.

France has a robust research infrastructure and venture ecosystem. India has huge, unexplored, organically growing tech talent capable of providing cost-effective deep-tech solutions. Integrating these complementary strengths, countries can address the 21^st-century global challenges. To concretise this synergy, countries have affirmed to adopt the India-France Innovation Roadmap 2030, which resonates with India’s 2047 Viksit Bharat and France 2030, an innovation flagship initiative of the French government.

Working together for the shared vision of combating climate change, India and France instituted the International Solar Alliance (ISA) in 2015, a beacon of sustainable development with over 120 signatory nations. A decade later, on the foundation of shared values and vision, countries signed a declaration on Artificial Intelligence. In the recent past, countries have launched initiatives ranging from security to sustainability to provide solutions to global issues.

Giving a huge fillip to the India-France Innovation ecosystem, countries are promoting academic collaboration, scientific cooperation, and strengthening frameworks for mutual recognition of academic qualifications. France has set a talent mobility target of 30,000 Indian students by 2030. To facilitate academic mobility, it has instituted welcoming legal pathways.

Through InnoXchange Bridge, countries are developing a dedicated entrepreneurship corridor for reciprocal access to research organisations, technology platforms and innovation clusters, startup ecosystems. In addition to the India-France Innovation Network (IFIN), countries are strengthening partnerships between private space ecosystems and consent-based data sharing on global health challenges. Countries have signed 19 MoUs to seamlessly integrate the research ecosystems of both countries through collaborations between the elite research and academic institutions under the broad framework of Innovation Roadmap 2030.

Reviewing the bilateral relations spanning diverse sectors, countries exchanged MoUs on the establishment of the Centre of Excellence in skilling in Aeronautics at IIT Kanpur, expanding the spread of UPI in France, the establishment of a high-level mechanism to double bilateral trade in the next five years, cooperation in high-speed rail development and human space exploration. Along with the traditional sectors like trade, textiles and engineering, countries are also intensifying cooperation in defence, nuclear energy and space.

Tighter US immigration policies, persistent H1B visa issues, mounting green card backlogs and high visa denials Indian students have widened faultlines and strained longstanding tech collaboration frameworks. Additionally, the strategic tech ‘kill button’ wielded by Trump has prompted India to actively deepen ties with reliable and trusted partners. As a result, the Indian tech ecosystem is accelerating its drift towards Europe.

India has signalled its commitment to open up pathways for trade, technology and tourism by signing the FTA with the EU. Among European countries, India’s relationship with France is one of its most enduring bilateral partnerships. As a resident power of Indo-Pacific, France occupies a unique place in India’s strategic calculus, making it a significant player in India’s geopolitical realm. France is emerging as a vital connecting point between the European and Indian innovation, industrial and tech ecosystems. India’s growing engagement with France is not a mere economic choice but a carefully calibrated strategic pivot.

 

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Why Slovakia Matters in Modi’s European Calculus

 Arriving in Bratislava on June 15^th, PM Modi became the first Indian Prime Minister to visit Slovakia since its independence in 1993. After the 1996’s President Shankar Dayal Sharma’s first-ever high-level visit to Slovakia and President Droupadi Murmu’s state visit in April 2025, this is India’s highest- level engagement with Bratislava.

PM Modi’s historic visit to the Central European country has set the Commentariat thinking about its strategic relevance and significance. Heightened geopolitical turbulences since the COVID times, the Russia-Ukraine War, and Trump tariffs have exacerbated trade imbalances, supply chain vulnerabilities and risks of safe maritime commerce. To insulate from these global challenges and reduce dependencies, nations are diversifying exports and seeking new growth and investment opportunities. Advancing greater global integration, India has been aggressively expediting FTAs with other nations.  Bringing to a close twenty years of negotiations, which were stalled in between by concluding an FTA with the EU in January 2026. This has reciprocally increased market access between 27 EU countries and India.

While India prominently engages with major Western European countries, its outreach to Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries hasn’t been on par. Slovakia, a Central European country with a population of 5.4 million, with about $2 billion in bilateral trade, can be India’s gateway to CEE countries. Slovakia is an active member of the Visegrad group or V4, comprising the Czech Republic, Bulgaria and Poland. It is also a member of the Slavkov 3 or Austerlitz Format, along with the Czech Republic and Austria. These two groups form the diplomatic backbone of the 3 Seas Initiative, a group of thirteen European countries lying between the Adriatic Sea, the Baltic Sea and Black Sea. These three groups work in tandem on economic and connectivity issues.

Interestingly, all the members of the 3 Seas Initiative except Austria and Greece are part of China’s 16+1 or China-CEEC Cooperation, established to promote its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Established in 2012, the 16+1 has held annual conferences till 2021. It came to an end following mass exits, unfulfilled economic promises and reassessment of Chinese reliance post COVID-19.  From 2021 to 2023, most EU countries switched over from decoupling to de-risking China except for three- Germany, Bulgaria and Slovakia. Unlike other CEE countries like Lithuania and Estonia, which pursued a security-first policy, Slovakia, a participant of BRI, largely resisted the de-risking from China policy and pursued closer economic ties with China.

In 2024, Slovakia elevated ties with China to a ‘Strategic Partnership’, backing the One China Policy. In January 2026, both countries held their first Intergovernmental Strategic Partnership meeting. It has emerged as a potential entry for Chinese EVs into the EU. Having joined the EU in 2004 along with the Visegrad group, Slovakia pursues a pragmatic foreign policy, balancing ties with the EU, China and integrating with NATO.

Slovakia, the former Czechoslovakia, along with other Eastern European Countries, which were part of the Soviet Union, have traditionally been India-friendly. Slovakia’s “four cardinal points (North, South, East, West)” foreign policy is hinged on diversifying ties with all nations. It emphasises forging economic engagement, strategic partnerships and technological cooperation with Global South and Indo-Pacific nations.

Slovakia’s Indo-Pacific policy rests on the premise that the gravity of the global economic development is shifting to the region. It considers Indo-Pacific as an evolving hub of innovation and cutting-edge technology. To reduce its dependence on the traditional European markets, expand its export markets and attract investment, Slovakia considers the countries in these regions as important partners. In tune with the policy recommendations, Slovakia is eager to develop bilateral relations and strengthen cooperation in science, research, and technology, and people-to-people ties¹.

India, having elevated ties with Poland to a Strategic Partnership in 2024 and having concluded a strategic partnership with the Czech Republic, is keen on energising ties with Slovakia.  India is an important investor in Slovakia through Jaguar Land Rover and the Amara Raja group in InoBat.

Dubbed as “European Detroit”, Slovakia, the powerhouse of automobile manufacturing, has a rapidly ageing population. Slovakia produces nearly 1 million vehicles annually. Major players include- Stellantis, Volvo, Kia, Volkswagen, Jaguar Land Rover. Tata Group is deeply integrated with Jaguar Land Rover. Opportunities for deeper collaboration exist in this sector, which is 44% of the country’s industrial output. Indians numbering 11,000 are the second-largest group of workers after Ukrainians.

Instructively, on a day when Trump posted, "Sadly, if you import people from Third World Countries, you quickly become a Third World Country — And there's not a thing you can do about it”, India and Slovakia have signed an agreement on Mobility and Migration.

Recently, driven by economic interests, European countries, despite their deep scepticism about India’s democracy, are rallying to engage with it. Unlike other EU countries, where Russia remains another sticking point, PM Fico, a populist leader, has consistently advocated for normalisation with Moscow. Putin has also praised PM Fico for pursuing an independent foreign policy.

Hedging against Trump’s escalatory tariffs and China’s mercantilism, European countries are now betting on India. China has restricted market access to European countries. This highly skewed trade balance in favour of China has forced the EU to convene a meeting with China on June 18^{th 2}. The deficit is becoming unsustainable for the EU due to Chinese subsidies and tax rebates to exporting firms. Instead of reconciliation, China warned the EU of countermeasures if it goes ahead with the draft of the “industrial acceleration” bill. The bill restricts Chinese takeover of European firms and excludes products made outside the EU bloc for public procurement. For the past 20-30 years, China has been talking about opening its markets, but nothing much has changed.

European countries are now more interested in India’s expanding markets. India, intent on diversifying defence procurements and building technological prowess, is exploring European collaboration. Among the major Slovak defence firms operating in India are CSM Industry, VRM, Konštrukta Defence & Aliter Technologies and JCBL group. Pertinently, in his interaction with business leaders in Bratislava, PM Modi underscored major policy reforms and ongoing Slovak investments in India and highlighted growing opportunities in AI, infrastructure, renewable energy, semiconductors, digital innovation, nuclear, civil nuclear energy and healthcare. Over 60% electricity in Slovakia is generated from nuclear sources.

To explore new avenues for cooperation and strengthen existing cooperative mechanisms, PM Modi and his counterpart, Robert Fico, elevated ties to a Comprehensive Partnership. Countries recognised defence, security and connectivity as pillars of cooperation and underscored Slovakia’s position as a Central European transport hub. Both sides signed 11 agreements, including the Letter of Intent on Defence Cooperation, digital technologies, labour migration, higher education and research, quantum communication and critical infrastructure protection, audio-visual creation, traditional medicine, tourism, students exchange, research collaboration and scientific cooperation.

Additionally, countries decided to establish the first-ever ICCR Chair in Artificial Intelligence at the Technical University of Kosice, a joint working group on counterterrorism and consular dialogue. Countries are also exploring cooperation in new and emerging technologies such as 5G use cases, 6G standardisation, Internet of Things, machine to machine (M2M) applications.

Building a momentum for its permanent membership in the expanded UNSC, India is intensifying diplomatic efforts to garner support. Slovakia strongly endorses New Delhi’s pitch for text-based negotiations and advocates expansion of permanent and non-permanent categories in the UNSC.  Every UN member, be it a superpower or a small country, has equal voting power.  Slovakia strongly supports India’s permanent membership to the expanded UNSC and Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG).

In recognition of PM Modi’s contributions in building the bilateral ties, the Slovakian President, Pelligrini, conferred the highest state decoration- the Order of the White Double Cross, First Class. Celebrating India-Slovakia’s enduring friendship, Bratislava Palace was illuminated in the tri-colours. India’s Yoga, Ayurveda, movies and cuisine are very popular in Slovakia. During his two-day visit, PM Modi also met Dr Robert Gafrik, who translated ten Sanskrit Upanishads into Slovak, symbolising cultural closeness between both countries. As a special gesture, Prime Minister Fico came to see off PM Modi at the conclusion of the visit.

Amid rapid geopolitical alignments and economic warfare, India is seeking strong partnerships with European countries across trade, defence cooperation, advanced manufacturing and emerging technologies. Building a durable and resilient partnership with Europe requires cultivating strong ties with individual countries. In this context, PM Modi’s historic visit to Slovakia marks a significant step towards deepening India’s engagement with Central Europe and broadening the foundations of its European strategy.

 

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India’s Myanmar Calculus: A Strategy Guided by Security Imperatives

 Myanmar President Min Aung Hlaing’s five-day visit to India comes at a time when India has determinedly prioritised border security. Last fortnight, Home Minister Amit Shah announced the ‘Smart Border Project’ to make frontiers impenetrable and ordered the demolition of illegal structures within 15 km of the international borders. The BJP Bengal government has put in place the “detect-deport-delete” initiative to curtail the entry of undocumented migrants. Besides security threats, borders have become floodgates for illegal infiltration.

Simmering tensions between the Buddhist and Rohingya Muslims since the 1970s have led to waves of Rohingya infiltration into India, which became more pronounced and severe after the Myanmar junta’s systematic persecution in 2016. The military coup that toppled the elected government in February 2021 displaced 3 million Myanmarese, triggering an endless wave of illegal migration of various ethnicities into India. The rapid crossover through the porous Indo-Myanmar border of 1,643km into adjoining Indian states -Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram has posed a pernicious security situation for India.

The conflagration of the Manipur Crisis in 2023 is a case in point. Recovery of a huge cache of arms and ammunition, drugs and the recent arrest of Ukrainian and American mercenaries in Mizoram along the Myanmar border have unravelled the impact of an unstable Myanmar on India.

In Myanmar, protesting the 2021 military takeover, opposition forces, pro-democracy groups and oppressed ethnic groups together formed the National Unity Government (NUG), the parallel civilian administration and its armed unit, People’s Defence Forces (PDF), carried out the resistance movement against the junta. Allying with the Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), NUG and PDF are working towards establishing a federal government.

As per the latest reports, these resistance forces are exerting control over 42% of the Myanmar land holding, while the junta-backed government of Myanmar controls mere 21% of the territory, and the remaining land mass remains fiercely contested.

Post-military coup, Myanmar faced boycott, amid growing threats of international sanctions and regional pressure, the junta revoked the emergency order on July 31^st 2025. Citing the 2008 Constitution, wherein elections must be held within six months of the suspension of the emergency, the junta scheduled elections for December 2025 and January 2026. The measure was rather cosmetic. It is an attempt to obtain international legitimacy with no serious intent to facilitate a democratic transition.

The Tatmadaw (Mynmar military) long used election as a tool to project a façade of normalcy while consolidating internal control. With bans on several political parties-  including the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD)- along with detention of political opponents and imposition of emergency across Kachin, Karenni, Karen, Rakhine, Shan, and Chin states, as well as the Sagaing, Mandalay, and Magwe regions, the electoral process amounted little more than a sham exercise. Predictably, the junta-aligned Union Development and Solidarity Party won the elections. The parliament elected General Min Aung Hlaing as the President in April.

The managed election was an attempt to gain international legitimacy. The US, the UK and ASEAN countries openly rejected the election outcome as the process lacked credibility. India reiterated the importance of free and fair elections and adopted a wait-and-watch policy. For a regime struggling to secure international legitimacy, President Hlaing’s first foreign visit to India marks a significant diplomatic gain.

While the pro-democracy camp in Myanmar expressed disappointment over hosting the junta leadership, India has been absolutely clear about its policy. Pushing back against the contrarian opinion, Foreign Minister Vikram Mistri stated, “We have always proceeded on the principle that sustained dialogue is what is important, and what is an imperative for India as a neighbour. And the answer is clearly not disengagement”. He countered, adding, “History has shown that disengagement doesn't give us any results that are better than engagement, and it certainly doesn't produce democratic change if that is what we are interested in. On the other hand, disengagement only produces a vacuum that others go on to fill, then to our detriment. And those others have no interest in democracy, I can assure you about that”.

Myanmar has descended into a fractured geographical and political entity and India’s stakes in its stability remain profound. For decades, secessionist groups from India’s Northeast have found safe sanctuaries across the border. Myanmar has been an indisputable epicentre of the (narcotic) Golden Triangle. The ongoing crisis has intensified this dynamic, with drug cartel operations spilling into India’s Northeast and transforming it into one of the most perilously sensitive frontiers—where insurgency and trafficking converge to threaten national security.

Beyond the security imperative for India, the marked influx of undocumented migrants is altering the demography of the North-Eastern border states. Now, a latest cross-border challenge has emerged- scam centres. Myanmar has become the hotspot of sophisticated e-scamming. Indians have been tricked, and in some cases, forcefully kidnapped to work in these scam centres. These scam centres are no longer isolated criminal enterprises, but advanced offshoots of a transnational global criminal network operating from Myanmar.  These have targeted even Chinese and Thai citizens.

In the recent past, India has repatriated over 2200 Indians working under inhuman conditions in these scam centres. India is working with the junta to rescue trapped Indians. China extended tacit support to the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), Brotherhood Alliance and Karen Border Guard Force to dismantle these scam centres to rescue its citizens. The collapse of the central governance has turned certain pockets of Myanmar into grey zone areas and safe havens for synthetic drug manufacturing and human trafficking. India closely aligns with the junta on the crackdown on these criminal networks to restore border stability.

Strategically, Myanmar lies at the intersection of India’s Neighbourhood policy, Act East Policy, Indo-Pacific Framework and Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions (MAHASAGAR), and holds immense significance.  Bordering both India and China, Myanmar is an important theatre of regional competition. Political tremors in the country have implications for both countries.

Myanmar is India’s gateway to Southeast Asia. India’s two major connectivity projects- the Kaladan multi-modal Transit Transport Project and the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway, launched several years ago, are now stalled due to the precarious security situation in the country. India needs the junta’s help for their swift completion.

Rare earth minerals represent another area of strategic interest. Myanmar has huge reserves of rare earth elements, which are indispensable for electric vehicles, wind turbines, semiconductors, permanent magnets and defence systems. Although the recent joint statement has no mention of rare earths, India is eager to secure access. China engaged with both the military junta and the ethic armed groups to gain preferential access, with Myanmar supplying nearly half of China’s rare-earth exports.

Kachin region, bordering China, is a global hotspot for heavy rare earths like dysprosium and terbium. China has monopolised these minerals and imposed a ban on their exports. Seeking alternative sources, India reached out to the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) which controls the region. Beyond Kachin, areas like Shan State, Sagaing Region, Kayah State and the Mogok geological belt hold rich deposits of lithium and other critical minerals. India is exploring avenues of cooperation with the junta to tap into these reserves.

Myanmar President’s visit to India, his first official international trip, has garnered a lot of chatter among strategic circles. Originally scheduled to attend the International Big Cat Alliance (IBCA) summit, deferred now, Hlaing made his first touchdown at Bodhgaya, underscoring the strong cultural and religious connection between the countries. Referred to as Brahma Desha, India has deep civilisational ties with Myanmar. In New Delhi, leaders of both countries reviewed the bilateral ties and reaffirmed to strengthen cooperation in trade, defence and security, border management and cultural exchanges. Hlaing’s visit to the NTPC Energy Technology Research Alliance (NETRA) and Mumbai highlighted his focus on technology, energy and infrastructure cooperation.

China, India and ASEAN are the three major partners of Myanmar. India is Myanmar’s 11^th largest investor. Bilateral trade stands at over $2 billion in favour of Myanmar. Accompanied by a huge business delegation, economic cooperation took front seat. Countries have agreed to enhance the Rupee-Kyat trade settlement mechanism, operationalised in 2024.

Addressing the core aspect of security and border stability, Hlaing assured that Myanmar’s territory will not be used for activities threatening India’s security. PM Modi extended India’s firm support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Myanmar and underscored the need for the restoration of the peace process through a dialogue with all the stakeholders for a united Myanmar.

Wedged between India and China, Myanmar is compelled to maintain cordial relations with both driven by regional connectivity needs and economic dependence, respectively. China, eyeing access to the Indian Ocean through Myanmar, cultivated ties with the military junta and rebel groups, leveraging deep engagement for strategic advantage. In contrast, India’s inconsistent cycles of engagement and disengagement have failed to lend any strategic depth to this relationship, leaving New Delhi at a disadvantage in the regional power play.

In an era of turbulence and power contestation, the strategic calculus of engagement pivots on the imperatives of geopolitical security. Guided by both strategic and economic considerations, India has extended a red carpet to Myanmar President Min Aung Hlaing, seeking to mitigate the fallout of Myanmar’s political volatility and safeguard its regional interests.

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