BJP on the Top, After a Stunning Victory in Haryana

The outcomes of the Haryana and J&K elections have sent out some important messages to the political parties. Firstly, the election outcome has rendered the exit polls irrelevant. Politicians were left gobsmacked by the results. Especially the Congress party, which celebrated prematurely had to face the worst kind of humiliation with proud proclamations exposing their arrogance. The party had to eat its words to save its face, and the results contradicted their expectations.

None of the exit polls could even have had the slightest whiff about BJP’s victory in Haryana. Social media experts, keyboard warriors couldn’t see this coming. The wave of 10-year pro-incumbency turning into a booming electoral mandate and conferring an absolute majority has been an absolute stunner. Haryana had the precedent of never re-electing an incumbent government. This trend has changed in the last decade. With a third consecutive win, the BJP has scripted history.

Secondly, India is a vibrant democracy and the voting pattern and the electoral outcomes have a significant message for the political parties. Notwithstanding the several underlying factors, the politics of performance is being rewarded. Parties sensitive to people’s needs and developmental aspirations are being voted back to power. People are now appreciative of the perks of the development. But herein, lies a caveat though. While a developmental agenda is highly favoured, this time around, what worked in favour of the BJP was the silent mobilisation of the electorate before the elections. The invisible force that has put the BJP in the pole position is the RSS.

Thirdly, buoyed by the comeback in Lok Sabha elections, besides deeming any kind of alliance with INDIA bloc parties as redundant, the Congress party gave into the tantrums of the state unit known for its nepotism and favouritism. The party failed to work as a coordinated unit. A fight for the leadership role created dissensions within the party with one group sidelining the other. The internal factions took a toll on the electoral outcome, a floundered candidate selection and the absence of a well laid out framework to address the local issues has cost the Congress party dearly.

Once bitten and twice shy BJP which underestimated the impact of the misinformation propaganda and the impact of the incendiary rhetoric of the opposition during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, had worked twice hard in terms of dispelling the false propaganda. Perceptive of the lies peddled especially about the Agniveer scheme, the BJP unequivocally made its stance clear. Immediately after the elections, the BJP-run state government announced job reservations for Agniveers. To appease the disgruntled farmers, Haryana announced MSP procurement for 24 crops.

Identifying the problem areas the BJP had attempted to remedy them well ahead of the elections. Undeterred by the setback in the General Elections, the well-oiled BJP election machinery, quickly returned to the board rooms to redraw the election strategy. BJP has replaced three-fourths of existing MLAs and gave tickets to new candidates. Maintaining a dynamic caste balance, the BJP reached out to all sections of the society.

The record tally of 48 seats was one more than the highest ever. BJP worked in tandem with the RSS and actively involved their functionaries in the election strategies.

Fourthly, the BJP managed to nail the real culprit- the poll narrative. Riding high on the developmental achievements to showcase, the BJP allowed the ground to slip under its feet by failing to take on the misinformation propaganda horns during the Lok Sabha elections. Having paid a heavy price, the BJP renewed its ground connection and held meetings with different communities to address the traditional faultlines.

BJP was quick to realise the impact of the anti-India, divisive conspiracies propagated vehemently before the General elections. This was evident from PM Modi’s reference to the same in his address to the party workers after the Haryana victory. Perhaps, for the first time, the Prime Minister unambiguously remarked about a looming threat, “For some time now, many conspiracies are being hatched against India. Many conspiracies are being hatched to weaken India's democracy and social fabric. International conspiracies are being hatched. National parties like Congress and their allies are involved in this game. Today Haryana has given a befitting reply to every such conspiracy. Every Indian will have to take a pledge that we will not let any such conspiracy succeed. India will not deviate from the path of development”¹.

As a matter of fact, PM Modi would have talked about it on June 4^th. But then, fresh from an improved performance, the exalted opposition having denied BJP an absolute majority for the third consecutive time would have deemed any vindication as a ‘ political victimhood tactic’. However, with a resounding victory in Haryana, Modi deemed it fit to expose the Congress party’s divisive agenda.

Fifthly, the narrative of the ‘constitution under threat’ and ‘democracy backsliding’ seems to have outlived its utility in political discourse. With the lie failing to offer a better developmental alternative, people are now becoming increasingly sceptical of Congress. Financially sinking Congress-ruled Himachal Pradesh and a scam-ridden Karnataka government presenting a stark contrast of clean governance and corruption between both parties have forced people to rethink their electoral choices.

Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge’s statement of “will die only after removing PM Modi from power” as opposed to PM Modi’s genuine enquiry about the former’s health displayed the Congress party’s hate and fear of the BJP and exposed the unbreachable political enmity.

Sixthly, for the first time since independence, elections were held in Jammu & Kashmir under the ambit of the Indian Constitution. Peaceful, transparent and fair conduct of the polls reinforced trust in India’s electoral process. The spurious doubts and suspicions ignited by the vested interests in Indian institutions including against the Election Commission of India have been demolished.

While NC and Congress alliance is all set to form the government, BJP has emerged as the single largest party in terms of the vote share in J&K. Bettering its 2014 performance, BJP has increased both the number of seats and vote share.

Seventhly, the political contours are varied across different states. So, the dynamics and the interplay of different aspects had to be carefully strategised for an electoral victory. Using the same political tropes for every election without an affirmative developmental agenda has backfired for the Congress.

Giving back in the same coin, the BJP astutely used Rahul Gandhi’s remarks on “scraping reservation” made at the National Press Club in the US to upset the Congress Party’s applecart. Contentious, divisive and sectarian politics should never become the byline of any political party. It has a limited purpose.

Eightly, Congress made the fatal mistake of misinterpreting BJP’s electoral mandate of 2024 as a rejection of the people. They underestimated the organisational capability of the BJP and their ability to quickly bounce back.

With a stunning win, the BJP has restored its dominance in the Hindi North Belt. A win in Haryana and a good performance in J&K have certainly rejuvenated the BJP cadres. The results have injected an element of positivity in the BJP cadres haunted by the shadow of the 2024 general elections. By snatching victory from the jaws of defeat, the BJP has scripted a psychological victory.

Opposition can no longer be complacent. A reinvigorated BJP can deal a debilitating blow to the opponents in the upcoming Maharashtra, Jharkhand and Delhi assembly elections. A direct electoral battle with BJP can never be an easy walkover. Unlike other parties, the BJP takes every election seriously and puts its best foot forward.

But by and large, NC victory in J&K may not be good news for BJP and the country given their past record of plunging the Kashmir valley into deep crisis with their missteps. A hung verdict would have been the best scenario. BJP must now make political investments to increase its presence in the valley else its development vision and efforts to integrate the region will be undone.

A country teeming with 1.4 billion people aspiring to become the third-largest economy in the World certainly needs a better political discourse. It is time, that the Congress party and its ilk realise the futility of perpetrating sectarian and contentious agenda for their political gains. The country expects better standards from the political parties.

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Flipside of Triumphalistic ‘Abki Bar 400 Paar’

Close to two months long election exercise in the World’s largest democracy came to an end with the declaration of results for the 18^th Lok Sabha. Ending the three decades-long history of coalition governments, Narendra Modi-led government BJP party romped home two back to back landslide victories. Setting a precedent of effortlessly clinching decisive mandates, with the slogan of ‘abki baar 400 paar” from the floor of Parliament, PM Modi has set an insurmountable target. Despite PM Modi’s quick rejoinder to the slogan being coined by the public to bring back his government, the benchmark exuded a dash of hubris. It has raised the level of expectations.

Given the track record of Modi as an electoral juggernaut, capable of churning huge electoral mandates both as Chief Minister of Gujarat and Prime Minister of the country, people believed in an existence of an undercurrent in favour of BJP. The first major impediment for any elected government is an undercurrent of anti-incumbency. Setting eyes for the third term, the ambitious target of 400 hamstrung the party’s efforts to counter the incumbency factor. This (un)calculated indifference has turned out to be its nemesis. Known to be objective and aflush with an army of grassroots workers, the BJP paid a heavy price by not having its ears to the ground.

Messaging is the nucleus of the campaigning. Considered an election-winning machine, no party has excelled in this art like the BJP. Rightly so, brandishing the long list of initiatives and beneficiaries of the decade-long Modi government with elan the BJP leaders and spokespersons put the party at the forefront in the pitched electoral battle. Effectively rebutting the opposition tirades with stats, the BJP had successfully created an impression of overwhelming public acceptability which appeared to have overcome the inevitable incumbency factor as well.

For reasons better (un)known, even the exit polls approvingly bolstered the BJP’s confidence in a thumping mandate. Inexorably this created an impression of a certain reinstatement of the Modi government. This compelling narrative has set in a complacency in the voter in certain areas. Unlike the 2019 Pulwama attack where the overarching territorial security concerns have forced the people to vote in large numbers, in the absence of major disconcerting issues, voting became a mundane affair for the electorate.

But in 2024, the pan-Indian perspective hardly mattered. The voter was more concerned about nagging local issues which included community representation, social justice etc. The varied voting pattern and the electoral mandate are indicative of the same. While the BJP managed to make fresh forays into newer territories and emerged as the political alternative as in Odisha, the party was punished for sidelining certain communities in UP, Rajasthan and Haryana. Quick political lollipops to turncoats and preferential treatment to the new entrants over party loyalists sowed disaffection in ranks. In certain states, RSS distanced itself from the BJP. BJP brazen politicking to decimate opposition in Maharashtra was meted with repugnance and total rejection in the state.

BJP’s oversight enveloped by an aura of overbearing achievement and indifference to the brewing discontent, especially in its erstwhile strong bastion of Uttar Pradesh crippled the party’s electoral fortunes. To its credit, during the decade-long Modi government performed especially in terms of poverty alleviation. A whopping 250 million people escaped multi-dimensional poverty. This made a huge difference in terms of economic equality.

400 seats target has turned out to be a double-edged sword as opposition successfully used it to stoke anxieties about the constitution and reservations. Fake videos reinforcing this disinformation have indeed forced Modi himself to reassert his commitment to reservations. The mandate of 240 seats for Modi after ten years of rule is commendable considering the incumbency in a vast country like India.

But the election results struck a jolt considering the BJP’s high benchmark. It shattered the BJP’s self-aggrandised triumphalism and Modi’s electoral invincibility.  It delivered a grim reality check to the largest political party of the World and raised doubts about the certitude of the exit polls. Riding high on the electoral optimism, the markets which traded high suffered a worst crash on the Black Tuesday.

Absolute majority conferred on the political dispensation a rare luxury of dissension-free decision-making. This enabled the government to steamroll transformative reforms at will, reverse monumental blunders like Article 370 and expedient economic engines of growth with quick interventions. Modi 3.0 will be deprived of this luxury. The pace of the decision-making will take a hit. The political leeway will now be restricted. Modi will now have to work in coordination with the coalition partners.

The mandate isn’t certainly against Modi or BJP perse. Nor has it favoured the opposition INDI bloc. But people have reigned the free will of the BJP government. The task is to run the government taking the coalition partners in stride. After bidding farewell to an era of coalition government, the Modi government has to attune itself now to function under the ambit of coalition dharma.

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No Confidence Motion Backfires

The classic case of Indian opposition parties hijacking every session of the Parliament has now become their USP. Interestingly, just 24-48 hours ahead of almost every session some new issue mysteriously begins to trend which invariably becomes the single point agenda of the opposition. The video of the Manipur women magically surfaced just hours before the parliament monsoon session and this was the sole talking point of the opposition. This pattern of hopping onto a preset agenda is truly intriguing.

Never keen on keeping ground to the ear instead of pulling up the government for its failures and debating on developmental issues, the Indian opposition seems to avidly latch on to anti-India reports to hit back at the government. Sad but true, reports from unknown foreign media agencies become the sole reason to block the parliament for the opposition. The case in point is the Hindenburg report on Adani, the NYT report on Israeli surveillance software Pegasus and the French Mediapart’s proclamations on the Rafale aircraft acquisition. Consequently, entire sessions in both houses of Parliament concluded without any meaningful discussions on important legislations.

Amid protests in parliament by the opposition over the Pegasus issue in the 2021 monsoon session, 20 bills were passed in both houses of the Parliament without discussion or if any minimal limited to the Treasury Bench MPs presenting the bill. In clear terms, 9.7 minutes were granted to deliberate and reflect on each bill.  A combative approach devoid of working coordination between the government and the opposition is deepening unbridgeable political divides. By renouncing the basic moral probity of discussing real issues MPs are abdicating from their roles as people’s representatives. This obstinate approach is derailing the functioning of the parliament. The number of sittings has halved as compared to the 1^st Lok Sabha and the productivity too has taken a massive hit.

This obduracy fortified with an overwhelming ambition of the opposition to get back to power has caused them to fall into the same trap set for their government. The newly minted I.N.D.I.A alliance looking for an opportunity to corner the Modi government has harped on the Manipur issue to bolster their unity and conviction towards national interests. The sudden appearance of a video of Manipur women over two months after the incident has fit into this whole strategy of things. The Manipur violence is an issue of extreme cause of concern for the entire nation both in terms of internal stability and territorial sovereignty. But the methodical politicking made by the opposition has exposed their sinister agenda.

Amid uproar for its immediate listing and discussion, the proceedings of both houses of parliament on the first day were disrupted. Though the government agreed to discuss it, the opposition demanded that the business be carried under Rule 267 of Rajya Sabha’s Rules of Procedures and Conduct of Business. Under this, the House can suspend all of its pending business in order to focus on a matter that requires immediate attention. With a total of 31 bills lined up for the monsoon session, the government agreed to discuss the Manipur issue as per Rule 176 where a short-duration discussion on the matter of urgent public importance accompanied by an explanatory note and signed by at least two MPs can be taken up. The opposition refused this proposition and continued to block the parliament.

Home Minister wrote letters to leaders to break the deadlock but to no avail. The opposition issued a notice for a no-confidence motion (NCM) to force PM Modi to speak on the Manipur issue knowing well they are critically short on numbers. The ongoing turbulence in the state of Manipur has critically exposed inadequacies in administration. Though the state and central government have acted swiftly, the foresight to portend the consequences of a judicial verdict have widened the existing chasms and ignited a deluge of violence.

The opposition knew that they were way short of the numbers but to launch I.N.D.I.A and relaunch Rahul Gandhi for the nth time, the ghatbandhan parties collectively brought out NCM. This has eerie similarities to the 2018 NCM led by TDP that terminated its alliance with the NDA and challenged the BJP alleging the Centre’s discrimination towards the newly bifurcated state of Andhra Pradesh. In both instances, the political parties wanted to score political points. But the timing is really significant, back in 2018 PM Modi used the opportunity to gain political mileage. Even this time it is no different.

Unlike the 2018 NCM, where parties sat through the entire length of the debates and conclusively ended with customary voting, the opposition members impatiently walked out the house before PM Modi could even broach the Manipur issue. In his 133 minutes speech, PM Modi rebutted every allegation and effortlessly defended the stance of the government on various aspects including the much-awaited Manipur issue. The petulant opposition which has brought the parliament to ransom and blocked its functioning for Manipur was amiss when PM Modi expressed serious concern about the state and assuaged the people of the state. He also delved into the incidents in the past that reeked of neglect and apathy of the successive leaderships.

With his unmatched oratory laced with wit, sarcasm and innuendos, besides frustrating the opposition's attempts to nail the administration, Modi used this occasion to connect to the people of India. Post-Karnataka assembly elections, the Shining India Movement of 2004 when BJP faced a surprising defeat began to gain some ground. Effortlessly rattling off various initiatives and reforms undertaken in the past 9 years Modi flaunted his government’s achievements and positioned BJP as the only viable alternative for the country.

Setting the stage for the 2024 campaign, Modi confidently mocked at opposition to get ready for the 2028 NCM. On the face of it, though the open challenge smacked of arrogance, this sense of certainty is bolstered by the inadequacies of a confused opposition befuddled by muddled priorities that lacks commitment and unabashed drive.

For all the bluster and posturing, the opposition managed to earn themselves a sobriquet of disrupters. The empty opposition benches at the NCM epitomized their lack of commitment and sincerity. Having demanded NCM, the opposition didn’t manage to sit through the voting of the resolution and frittered away a rare opportunity to put up a fight. The I.N.D.I.A alliance unveiled with fanfare turned out to be a damp squib even before its launch. The symbolism in the name sounded meaningless as that is not reflected in their actions. NCM debates are meant to be extensive, elaborate peppered with stinging attacks. Hence the lame excuses of Modi coming to Manipur towards the fag end of his speech definitely holds no ground.

While Modi meticulously laid out bare the contradictions of the opposition, the I.N.D.I.A alliance failed to nail the government for its lapses in Manipur which have witnessed over 140 deaths, destruction of properties, displacement of thousands of people and horrifying abuse of women. The crux of wielding NCM by the opposition is to hold the government accountable. But a silent vote on this resolution exposed the dubious and vindictive intent of the opposition.

Poised to become the third largest economy, Modi pledged his unflinching commitment to helm the aspirations of young Indians. Expressing gratefulness towards the citizens for reposing faith in his leadership, Modi clearly spelled out his policies for governance. Surcharged with optimism, Modi’s ardent speech ignited hope while the unstructured speeches of the opposition hardly inspire any confidence. Opposition parties use the NCM debate to sound election bugle for their election campaigns but 2023 NCM proved to be a dampener.

To end political blame and ensure the proper functioning of parliament, the majority party must take all other parties into confidence while the opposition should play a constructive role. But the frequent disruptions and attempts to turn the parliamentary platform for politicking are eroding the credibility of the Indian parliament. Abusive tirades, sloganeering and heckling have reduced the debates to verbal slinging matches. Parliament is a forum for MPs to reach out to the entire nation. The people expect their representatives to debate on real issues.

With the opposition rearing to get back to power, their intent should be reinforced with efficacious debates. By failing to don a role constructive role, the I.N.D.I.A alliance deprived the country of a constructive and effective opposition, quintessential for a thriving parliamentary democracy. 

 

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Karnataka: Siddaramaiah Government’s Communal Politicking

The alacrity and swiftness displayed by the new Congress government in implementing its poll promises in Karnataka is both interesting and intriguing as well. The Congress party’s stint of obtaining an absolute majority, which has many facets, is indeed recommended by certain quarters of media as a classic study of an electoral victory.  The triumph, despite the lacklustre nature of the Congress high command, was steered by the local leadership and party cadres; it is indeed very impressive. With its convincing victory, the party has scripted a history rested on the grounds of massive consolidation of votes and also the bulk transfer of votes. The devastating electoral rout of JD (S) and the retention of the vote share by BJP lends an element of undeniability to this observation. 

The politics of polarisation has always been a pivotal element in Indian elections. In addition, the perpetual surge of the minority population in India, besides demolishing the popular cliches of “dara hua Muslaman”, has made it evident that they have a potential role in changing the final outcome of any election. Hence, the customary appeasement of minorities which has been an integral part of Indian elections has become all the more intense in the recent elections in Karnataka.

Demography is King. With the demographic groups now behaving as cultures, resonating with their ideas, political parties have started investing in wooing them and cultivating them as vote banks. With clearly demarcated religion, caste and linguistic divides, instead of rolling out a uniform developmental plan for the populace in its entirety, winning the favour of specific groups has taken precedence.  Known to vote en masse as a group, courting these groups has become a sure-shot way to crack the complex electoral maze for the political parties. 

In fact, to take on the massive electoral juggernaut, the BJP, the Congress party in Karnataka strengthened its outreach with the leaders who command the above-mentioned groups. As a result, the election manifesto, instead of mirroring the developmental agenda of the party for the general electorate, has essentially turned out to be a document of demands list of these groups. Additionally, the manifesto also peppered with freebies and generous handouts has put Congress ahead of all other parties. Trumping all odds, the two-pronged appeasement and freebies have earned the party a spectacular victory.

While freebies effectively pulled fence-sitters into Congress orbit, the appeasement aspect involved pandering to other influential players in the society like civil society organisations with vested interests. Their silent role in the elections came to light on counting day when political observers the role played by them and religious organisations operating under the guise of NGOs. These groups which played a major role in building a narrative against the BJP as a fascist regime rallied behind the Congress.

Prominent Civil Society Organisations such as Mercy Mission, Eddelu Karnataka (wakeup Karnataka) and Bahutva Karnataka (Pluralistic Karnataka) launched massive campaigns and released a book- “4 Years of BJP Rule: Disillusionment due to dead promises” to shape discourse. The Eddelu Karnataka which has leaders drawn from Dalit groups, Muslims, Christians, Trans and Left groups played a significant role in the regrouping of various anti-BJP forces.

By co-opting these vocal players with extensive outreach, whose support to the party is subjective and selective, Congress has tied itself into knots.  To keep their confidence, the burden of obligatory delivery on the poll promise has become a must. The electoral campaigns of these groups and the solidarity extended by religious groups have played a deciding role in the Karnataka Assembly elections. Having positioned themselves at the helm, it is now Congress party’s payback time.

This overt transactionalism is inexorably the reason behind the Congress party’s single-minded agenda of fulfilling the electoral promises without any delay. Seemingly, the transactional favours that existed in the form of material rewards previously have now graduated into salutary legislation for specific groups in return for their valuable electoral support.

To clinch the electoral mandate, developmental goals have been sacrificed, while changes to some governance measures do find a place in the manifesto, by and large freebies and generous handouts dominated the rooster. The five guarantees- Gruha Jyothi, Gruha Lakshmi, Anna Bhagya, Yuvanidhi and Shakti, free travel for women- positioned the Congress in the pole position.

Congress has taken appeasement politics to the hilt by effectively playing on the anger of the Muslims who were miffed by the rollback of 4% reservation. Drawing parallels between the Bajrang Dal and PFI where there exist none, Congress promised to ban the Bajrang Dal. This some say has been a watershed moment as SDPI the political wing of PFI which earlier announced to contest 100 seats declared that it would contest only 16 seats to help Congress in defeating the BJP after the ban announcement.

In 2018, SDPI and Congress sealed a pact whereby the former pulled back candidates in favour of the latter. The covert and overt arrangement has always existed between the two political entities though they prefer to keep it under wraps except for occasional public outbursts by leaders whenever they feel snubbed. In fact, the Karnataka cabinet of Siddaramiah in 2015 withdrew 135 cases against 1600 activists belonging to the PFI and KFD (Karnataka Forum for Dignity).  PFI and KFD are Islamist organizations linked to the banned Islamist Organization SIMI (Students Islamic Movement of India) formed in 1977 and banned in 2008.

Baring a perfunctory emphasis on the development agenda which is pushed to the back burner, Congress’s campaign pivoted on social and communal issues besides polarising the electorate has fortified binaries. Left with no middle ground, the Congress which has bargained its administrative governance for votes is now forced to take a firm stance. By doing away with debate and discussion, an intransigent approach has become the norm in Indian politics. The series of decisions taken by the Karnataka Cabinet headed by chief minister Siddaramiah bears testimony to the same.

The first move of the Congress government which assumed charge following the historic mandate has been halting of release of funds to all the projects initiated by the previous government and putting on hold on projects that haven’t commenced. Additionally, several state boards have been dismantled and reconstituted. While there are rather normative actions, by withdrawing the appointment order of slain BJP worker Praveen Nettaru’s wife, Congress has drawn up a political battle along the communal lines.

The omniscient communal overtones in each of the subsequent decisions have hinted at the Congress party’s line of governance for the entire term. The tearing hurry to revoke legislations that have implicit communal repercussions and are deeply connected to the sensitivities of people is unnerving.

The repeal of the anti-conversion law brought enacted by the previous BJP government, the decision to remove chapters on Hedgewar, the founder of RSS and Veer Savarkar have unequivocally underscored its anti-Hindu position. Capitalising on subtle disagreements and communal rifts has always been the GOP’s forte, now taking it to the next level, Congress is undoing legislations of previous government nonchalantly.

Having lost its sense of entitlement and facing the disapproval of the common man for insensitive slipups and motivated disinformation campaigns, the Congress high command has outsourced elections to state leaders. The pecuniary state leaders oblivious of a need for an inclusive, developmental agenda for the state endowed with intellectual treasure and ambient infrastructure indulged in bargained for electoral support in return for favours for minority communities. Embarking on a blundering rampage, Congress declared to overturn hijab ban, anti-cow slaughter act and amendments to Agriculture Produce Marketing Committees act that echoed the central farm laws.

Throwing all sense of discretion to the winds, the bigoted actions of the Congress are typically what it accuses the BJP of – revenge politics. This new trend of getting into power by hook or crook and co-opting with various groups, in this case, vested interests, is going to be devastating for a pluralistic country like India. Despite the imminent threat faced by the indigenous Hindu majority from the militant-proselyting religions and the inexorable rise of conversions, Congress has decided to repeal the anti-conversion legislation without any debate. The anti-conversion law with an imbued legal safeguard is among the last line of defence against the rising menace of love jihad.

Barring the political opposition, BJP, with civil societies and the left-liberal ecosystem firmly on its side, the reckless, politically motivated and communally provocative decisions of the Congress party’s decisions would hardly encounter resistance. Indeed, the Congress party in Karnataka might gallop ahead reminiscing the younger generations of its illustrious religious bigotry that etched the contemporary Indian political history.

This new trend of vested interests casting a disproportionate influence on decision-making and governance issues of an elected government is going to be dangerous for Indian democracy. Successful replication of this template in ensuing state assembly elections can spell political disaster for the BJP and stoke secessionism.

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BJP’s biggest masterstroke of all: Elevates Shinde and draws the curtain on a dynasty leadership

India’s vibrant democracy replete with varied challenges is never boring. The crisis in Maharashtra, following an internal rebellion, that came to the fore on June 20^st post-MLC elections created a political upheaval leading to the collapse of 31-month-old Maha Vikas Agadi (MVA) and the ascension of a party worker to the post of the Chief Minister.

The ten-day drama and war of words ended with the BJP serving a masterstroke that stumped the political commentariat. The announcement of rebel leader Eknath Shinde as the Chief Minister created an earthquake of sorts decimating the pumped-up theory of “Operation Kamal” based on the premise that the BJP perpetually indulges in number games and topples the governments. This theory dominated the narrative even as a Sena MLA, Deepak Kesarkar in a letter titled- “Safe Guarding Hindutva: Not a rebellion; but a fight for self-respect” stated that they aren’t against the current Sena leadership.

By entering into an alliance with NCP and Congress which have nothing in common but contradicting ideologies with Shiva Sena, Uddhav Thackery formed a united front MVA and made a huge compromise on principles. Sena workers often expressed their extreme dissatisfaction with the functioning of NCP and Congress in the MVA to their leader Uddhav Thackery. However, things have come to a bind wherein the Sena MLAs believed that staying in the unholy alliance is an affront to their self-respect as their support base began to dwindle.

Inflicting a devastating blow to the dynasty politics, the BJP which considers Pariwarwad dangerous to a healthy democracy, walked the talk. Pending the Supreme Court decision on the spate of ‘rebel’ Shiva Sena MLAs, BJP extended support to the faction and declared their leader, Eknath Shinde as the Chief Minister of Maharashtra. This marks a new chapter in Indian politics. Family-based politics dominate the Indian polity. Without exception, the baton of leadership is always transferred to members of the family making the party a family domain. In the process, eligible youth are deprived of the opportunity to raise in ranks and reach the top leadership.

In a major break from this tradition, BJP recognised Eknath Shinde as the leader of the Shiva Sena and extended support for government formation. Shiva Sena is identified with an ideology expounded by the founder Balasaheb Thackery. As a natural corollary, being the heir of Balasaheb Thackery, Uddhav Thackery held the mantle of party leadership. Endorsing a non-Thackery wedded to the Hindutva ideology of Balasaheb as the leader of the party was thus inconceivable. Hence the elevation of Shinde as leader of the alliance party by the BJP has changed the course of Indian politics as most of the parties are identified with their families. This move besides neutralising the hold of Thackery’s on the party raised serious questions about their political future.

Sacrificing the Chief Minister post, BJP has not only blunted all the allegations of being power-hungry but earned immense goodwill by being generous. Sena supporters and Shinde will harbour a feeling of gratitude towards the BJP. Slipping into the post of Deputy Chief Minister despite the numbers favouring him, Devendra Fadnavis has turned all the odds against him to his advantage. Besides escaping any brickbats in event of any misgovernance or misappropriation, he will stay away from public scrutiny but will continue to enjoy access to decision-making as an insider. This continuity of staying in the administration would help in his future stints.

Also, BJP and Shiva Sena are identified as Hindutva parties and share common ideological moorings. Working in tandem, Sena and BJP can make huge gains in the 2024 general elections and can give the opposition parties a run for their money. The opposition has to work twice as hard to retain their vote base. NCP can still rely on their leader Sharad Pawar to fall back. Devoid of any credible leadership and a dedicated leader, Congress will stare at near extinction. Over a period of time, given its clout and extensive machinery, BJP can consolidate its electoral base at the cost of Sena. Sena has been intimidated by the untrammelled ascendency of the BJP and felt eclipsed. It feared being swallowed by BJP. Its worst fears might come true.

After Balasaheb’s death and the rise of Modi, Sena and BJP which were in alliance for years faced ego clashes and NCP hasn’t missed the opportunity to drive a wedge between them. Sena has been the dominant right-wing party during Balasaheb’s time. After his demise, BJP began to overshadow Sena with its rise. In 2014, BJP treated Sena with disdain and Uddhav paid back BJP in the same coin in 2019 by pulling out of the pre-poll alliance.

Shinde’s elevation and depriving Uddhav of the claims over Sena’s legacy are now construed as the BJP’s way of exacting revenge. But on the contrary, by conceding the Chief Minister post and settling for Deputy Chief Minister, BJP has debunked the contentions of humiliating regional parties.

Sena an ethnic, nativist party began its journey by supporting Mumbai’s Marathi-speaking population. Since it started espousing Hindu interests, its base has been anti-Congress. But Sena’s overtures to Congress and MVA stint have eroded its base. To reclaim their support, Sena has to now deliver on its promises. Else the disenchanted voters have their best alternative in BJP.

Maharashtra’s MVA has been a classic case of backstabbing and dishonouring the electoral mandate. Dumping the pre-poll alliance, Sena severed ties with BJP and formed an opportunistic front with NCP and Congress. While Sena alleges to have a pre-poll alliance agreement of rotating chief ministership, thus far, it failed to convincingly prove its claims and accused the BJP of cheating. BJP has resurrected its image by handing over the reign to a Sena leader and absolved itself of all the allegations and came clean with a statement-“Eknath Shinde will be the new Chief Minister of Maharashtra, this is BJP’s tribute to Balasaheb Thackery”. Through this political googly, the BJP convincingly portrayed itself as a real saviour of Hindutva.

Renouncing the Chief Minister post, the BJP catapulted itself to a different level in the battle of political narratives. This entire episode has an important lesson for Congress rebel leaders embattled by a decrepit leadership and dynasty entitlement- Unshackle from an asphyxiating leadership and try to cultivate a dedicated vote base on the strength of the ideology. But unfortunately for Congress, there is none!!

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PM Modi attacks the Congress impervious to political scrutiny

With elections around the corner, Rahul Gandhi in reply to motion of thanks to President’s address chose the platform of Lok Sabha to take on BJP. He raised issues about unemployment, Pegasus, Chinese aggression and weakening of the federal structure of the country.  To drive home his point, he asserted that India is a not a nation but a “union of states”. He claimed, “India is described in the Indian Constitution as a union of states and not a nation. One cannot rule over the people of a state in India. Different languages and cultures cannot be suppressed. It is a partnership, not a kingdom”.

Needless to say, he purposely chose to state a half-truth to push his agenda. While Article 1 of the constitution says, “India that is Bharat is a Union of States”, the makers of the Constitution presciently included an explanation in the debate and issued a clarification. Drafting committee chairman Dr B R Ambedkar explained that “union of states” was used to clarify that states did not have the right to secede from India¹ and warned against calling this a federation akin to the United States which is a Federation of States. Ambedkar and all the other makers of the Constitution have espoused unequivocally the national identity of India.

By resorting to the selective interpretation, Rahul Gandhi has disingenuously attempted to create a misconception. The preamble of the Constitution declares- “Fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and the integrity of the nation”. Lamenting that “I feel uncomfortable”, “there are two Indias-one for the poor and one for the rich. The chasm between these two Indias are increasing continuously” he undermined the inexorable fact of India’s nationhood, he subtly stoked latent disaffection towards an elected government.

This tried and tested technique of Congress to sow seeds of distrust has been the latest fad of Congress party which has long last its interest to royally claim its place through electoral verdicts. Resting in the laurels of the gifted moral victories of the ecosystem, which is ever ready to defend the dynasty despite its eroding electoral support, Congress has stopped putting a tough fight in the elections.

Instead, it has resorted to the sinister tact of toppling the government by other means. Incapable of taking on the Modi juggernaut and BJP’s colossal well-oiled election machinery, Congress has outsourced its campaign to external sources, which has replaced the manifesto with a tool kit. Having tasted its first victory with the meticulous implementation of a tool kit leading to roll back of the three farm laws, the Congress party and its part time President are now making brief appearances before the elections armed with weapon of stoking dissensions and capitalising on the deep fissures in a diverse country like India. Analogous to the “divide and rule” policy of the British calling India a “union of states”, Congress is innocuously instigating the states against the Centre.

Besides attacking the judiciary and the Election Commission, Gandhi launched a tirade against the government saying, “Now there is a Shehanshah. Now the instruments of the conversations between our state and people are being attacked by one idea”. While Congress left no stone unturned to label the elected government as fascist, a covert attempt to revive sub-nationalism sentiments and attempts to polarise the country along the regional lines has been the major import of his message.

As has been the case, the usual suspects hailed his speech as “coming of the age”. This jaundiced interpretation of India as a nation, vituperative criticism and cynical portrayal of India since 2014, has become a second nature to Congress party. Relinquishing the responsibility of a principal opposition party in a Parliamentary democracy Congress has brazenly resorted to the idea of fueling the separatist tendencies to discredit the government. This kind of unrestrained negative propaganda is steadily strengthening the vested interests.

Countering the dangerous precedent of begetting dissensions towards the concept of India, as the Prime Minister of our nation, Modi in his address to both the houses of the Parliament has decimated the spurious postulations of Rahul Gandhi.

Launching a blistering attack on Congress, Modi gave a reality check to Congress which is losing ground across the country. Countering Rahul Gandhi’s quip, “Main Tamil Hu Na”, Modi reminded Congress was last voted to power six decades ago in Tamil Nadu and listed out the states where the party has been shunted out lock, stock and barrel. Fluctuating electoral mandates are part and parcel of a functioning democracy. But a systematic decimation of a party from a number of states clearly points to an underlying flawed political strategy.

Besides being divested of the ground realities, the Congress party devoid of a capable leadership and have now resorted to depraved politicking. Through its preposterous strategy of denigrating anything related to India to show the ruling party in a poor light, Congress party is inadvertently colluding with vested interests. This trend has become more pronounced during the pandemic, when Congress was complicit in the vicious western propaganda. The scale of the blind hatred towards ruling dispensation has reached to such an extent that Pakistan began using the posts of the Congress leaders to support its anti-India propaganda.

This worrying trend remained uncontested with the ecosystem singing the same tune as the Congress party. For decades, the party had a free run with all its offences unchallenged and unquestioned. Even as the list of blunders would make people hang their head in shame, the unflinching loyalty of the ecosystem ensured that the narrative still favoured and revered the party.

Demolishing the grand old party’s self-entitlement, Modi listed out the misdemeanours of Congress- “had Congress not been there… democracy would’ve been free of dynasty, India would’ve been spared of the blot of Emergency, corruption wouldn’t have been institutionalised, the abyss of casteism and regionalism wouldn’t have been so deep, Sikhs wouldn’t have been massacred, Punjab wouldn’t have brunt on the fire of terrorism, Kashmiri Hindus wouldn’t have had to leave their state”.

In a similar vein, rebutting the charges of suppression of right to freedom of speech, Modi pointed out to treatment meted to Lata Mangeshkar’s brother Hridyanath Mangeshkar who was unceremoniously sacked from AIR in 1955 for setting the tune of Veer Savarkar’s poem. Prof Dharam Pal and Majrooh Sultanpuri were jailed for criticising Nehru and Kishore Kumar was banned from singing on radio for condemning the Emergency.

Generously citing Nehru’s statements on inflation and India’s nationalistic identity, Modi decimated Rahul Gandhi’s charade of lies and destroyed the high moral ground of Congress. Alongside quoting from Nehru’s speech- “No one should be under an impression that we would launch a military operation in Goa. There is no military stationed around Goa. People within want to make noise and create a situation which forces us to send our Army there. We will not send our Army. We will decide on it peacefully. Let everyone understand this……. but if they call themselves satyagrahis, they should also remember the values, the principles and the path of satyagrahis. There is no army to back them²” Modi elegantly punctured the image of Nehru who refused to send the Army to liberate Goa 15 years after independence for the fear of spoiling his global image of a peace lover. With Assembly elections just days away, while this falls in the category of electoral appeasement, Goans have dearly paid with their lives for freedom to impute any motives.

Claiming that the Congress party has become the face of the “tukde tukde gang” with its ideology hijacked by the Urban Naxals, Modi demolished the façade of the party which seeks umbrage from any political scrutiny for its contribution during the freedom movement. Holding a mirror to Congress party that accused Modi of destroying the federal fabric, Modi recounted the ouster of several chief ministers under Congress regime and indiscriminate use of Article 356.

Modi’s devastating takedown of the Congress, which seemingly bordered on election campaign, covered a vast ground that unravelled the deviant politicking of the Congress party since 2014. Resorting to disrespectful and mindless criticism of initiatives striving to attain self-reliance, Congress has muddied the progress and dented the collective aspirations of the country. Especially the boycott of all party meetings during the Covid, abetment of vaccine hesitancy and triggering mistrust towards indigenous Covid vaccines have been rather odious.

Encircled by belligerent neighbours, keen on creating domestic unrest and external tensions to unravel India, by hideously crossing the redlines of the respectable criticism, befitting of a democracy, Indian opposition is bolstering external forces. With unsparing attacks on India and its nationhood that ill behove a responsible opposition, Congress party and its ecosystem baulked at India’s efforts to combat Covid.

Outmanoeuvring Rahul Gandhi, Modi launched a scathing attack on the dynasty politics calling it the real threat to democracy. Incapacitated to take on Modi electorally, Congress has adopted a three-pronged approach of discredit, destabilise and dismiss to overthrow a government. Being a seasoned politician, Modi rightly alerted the citizens of Congress treacherous motives. Dissent is now being weaponised to destabilise governments across the world. Under the garb of dissent, vested interests are desperately attempting to overthrow democratic governments and India must be prudently wary.

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Is the farm laws repeal one step back, two steps forward?

Given the poor appetite of Indian leadership for reforms, my first reaction to farm law repeal was “Sheer insanity”. The decision has elicited responses ranging from disappointment, anger to concern. Being a nation state India has been a ground for various vested interests and their agendas. For decades, development has been held hostage by political parties for their narrow electoral gains. The sudden announcement of withdrawal of the farm laws that can usher country into second green revolution on Guru Purub by Prime Minister Modi, has expectedly raised many hackles.

With a potential to revolutionise agricultural sector which employs over 45% of the population and benefit small and marginal farmers who constitute 95% of the farming community, enactment of farm laws was deemed as the 1991 moment for Indian agriculture. Considered as panacea for all the ails afflicting Indian agriculture, even the Congress party included the new farm laws in its manifesto.

Regarded as a game changer, the farm laws if implemented will boost agri-GDP and further much-needed crop diversification. Till now, guaranteed MSP resulted in highly skewed cultivation of Rice and Sugarcane which besides depleting the water table are contributing to increase in methane and nitrous oxide levels. Further the ever-bloating granaries of FCI, huge farm subsidies extended to farmers are sucking up the tax revenues which could have been used for development. Legislated farm laws besides addressing these issues could have been a huge boost for the revival of covid hit Indian economy. Now the annulment of farm laws has pushed the agriculture sector into doldrums.

The arhtiyas or the middle men who stand to lose economically from these new laws has stiffly opposed the new reforms. For the fear of antagonizing this influential community for eons political parties wavered from introducing new agri reforms in agriculture. Modi bite the bullet.

Sensing an opportunity in farmer’s opposition, threw weight behind the farmers who started protesting the farm laws. Those who objected to the new changes included the farmers from Punjab, Haryana, West Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan. To allay fear and address grievances Modi government held 11 rounds of talks with farmers. But the talks to failed to break the impasse and the farmers intensified protests in the NCT region. Condemning the government for failing to communicate and take the stakeholders along, the Supreme Court expressed disappointment over government’s handling of farmers protests and suspended the implementation of the legislation.

Overruling the executive which is the heart of a functional democracy, SC stayed laws on Jan 12^th.  Accordingly, Centre decided to put farm laws on hold for 18 months. SC indeed constituted an expert committee to study the farm laws and consult the farmers organisations. The committee submitted the report on Mar 19^th. But till now the report isn’t made public.

Though the laws were suspended, digging in heels, the farmers organization continued to protest. A year of protests unraveled their true agenda. Under the banner of peaceful protests, the farmers enacted a Capitol Riots incident in India. Thronging the Red Fort on the Republic Day, the unruly mobs sporting Bhindranwale shirts and carrying traditional weapons erected Nishan Sahib flag on the staff used by Prime Minister to unfurl the tricolour on Independence Day. Giving the episode of anarchy a veneer of “ruthless regime crushing the agitating farmers”, the World media and the Indian ecosystem hushed the shameful act of the anti-national elements.

The succession of events that followed, exposed the vested interests that have been hand and glove with the agitation.  At a time when the country is non-plussed at the abject retreat and surrender of the Prime Minister, it is incumbent to shake off the collective amnesia and recount the one year of farmers protests that has been a den of vested interests of various hues.

Justifying the violence unleashed by protesting farmers, the ecosystem which termed the Capitol Riots a threat to democracy jumped in to vociferously defend the indefensible. Soon, the international media offered cover to the slanderous attack of the protestors on Indian flag and their attempt to vilify national pride.

Shortly, singer Rihanna, Greta Thunberg and niece of Vice President Kamala Harris tweeted in support of farmers. Meanwhile, an inadvertent leak of infamous ‘international tool kit’ by the juvenile environmentalist has completely exposed the agenda of global vested interests in farmers protests. Hence it should be unsurprising when Canadian Prime Minister Trudeau, Canadian Labour and Civil societies openly expressed solidarity with protesting farmers.  

A publication claimed that the second covid wave in India originated from farmers protest in Punjab. Defying the Covid appropriate behaviour and violating the epidemic act, protestors engaged in agitation. Interestingly, the courts which micromanaged the Covid situation and pulled up government for slack oxygen supply remained a mute spectator to a plausible covid timebomb ticking in the capital. Other than expressing concern, the courts remained meek spectators.

Protests in the NCT region paralysed the normal life and badly affected commercial activities. Though numerous petitions were filed to remove the protests, deprived of urgent hearing the national exchequer entailed severe losses. Delinquent approach of the law and order agencies ensured that the right to protest reigned even as other rights are hindered. The stunning silence of civil societies, the ecosystem, opposition parties had tacitly hinted of an uncanny nexus.

The farmers protests had its genesis in Punjab, a border state with Pakistan and ground for Sikh separatism and Sikh-Hindu discord. Indeed, a separate Sikh state has been a communist agenda too. With a history of unrest and secessionist activities, the state underwent an emotional churn. To avenge the 1971 humiliating defeat, Pakistan’s ISI stoked the secessionist Khalistani movement in Punjab and to win back the state politically, Indira Gandhi has propped up Bhindranwale, who ignited the Sikh fervour. This potent concoction pushed the state into chaos and turned into a terrorist hub. The separatists were weeded out and terrorism was extricated from Punjab with super heroic efforts.

Over the years, Sikhs became very conscious of their symbolism of resisting anything which they deem to be oppressive. Conceiving the farms laws to be inimical to their interests Sikhs began to oppose them tooth and nail. This resistance partially stemmed from a conception that Modi is an authoritarian leader. In the meanwhile, the anti-Hindu forces, Break India forces, left wing radicals used this occasion to carry out insidious propaganda that deepened alienation and disaffection.

Pakistan’s deep state sought to weaponize the resentment of farmers through Khalistanis to create unrest in India. Pregnant with disaffection towards the Indian dispensation over the farm laws, the farmers movement changed it trajectories. Gradually the initial peaceful rail and road blockades and sit-in-dharnas graduated to violent attacks on toll gates.

Aflush with funds from Khalistanis in North America, the movement infiltrated with politicians, activists and separatists, aspired to keep the agitation simmering. Reports of rapes and recovery of a body of a farm labour with his left arm hacked, tied to a barricade at the protest site, lynching at Lakhimpur Kheri have been the manifestations of the new agenda. Even the goal posts of the protests changed from total repeal of laws to political fight against Modi government.

Investigations of cash trial to person who hoisted Nishan Sahib flag could be traced to secessionist groups. The video of Gurupatwant Singh Pannu of SFJ linking the farmers protests to 1984 have confirmed the worst fears of Khalistani links to the farmers protests.

India dispatched a three member NIA team to Canada to investigate the links, similarly it condemned the UK government of allowing the Khalistan referendum on Oct 31^st and radicalization of Sikh Diaspora. Since the farmers agitation Sikh radicals in UK started holding protests condemning farm laws and participating in anti-India protests at the behest of Pakistan’s ISI. Having received a shot in arm with the fall of Kabul to Taliban, Pakistan is slowly intensifying its anti-India activities through the Sikh radicals.

The Pakistan-Taliban nexus now has covert support of China which refuses to disengage with Indian troops at LAC. NSA Ajit Doval’s references to civil societies, which condoned the anarchy of farmers protests under the banner of peaceful agitation, is a clear signal that the protestors in cahoots with anti-India forces are on a mission mode to create unrest and chaos in India all in the name of registering their opposition to farm laws.

With elections around the corner, analysts widely alleged that BJP’s penchant to win the polls as the main reason for this sudden withdrawal. In reality, the Sino-Pakistan nexus is hell bent on capitalizing the domestic political fissures is egging on anti-Modi elements to destabilise India. Punjab being a border state with a Sikh majority is vital for the security of the country. In lieu of internal and external stability, in 2018, Union cabinet approved the development of Kartarpur Corridor at a meeting to commemorate the 550^th birth anniversary of Guru Nanak Devji.  The following year Kartarpur corridor was officially opened for Indian delegation on Guru Purub. Two years hence, when Modi declared the withdrawal on the most auspicious occasion for Sikhs, the move was seen as an attempt to placate the Sikhs who strongly opposed the agricultural reforms

Modi government hasn’t been averse to risks. Months ahead of 2017 UP elections, cognizant of electoral fall out, Modi announced demonetization. Scrapping of farm laws will deny the opposition parties a vital electoral agenda in the upcoming Punjab polls. But this move is unlikely to brighten BJP’s poll prospects especially in Punjab. The impact of the decision on UP elections could be an interesting watch.

Announcing the withdrawal of farm laws, Modi tendered an apology to farmers. The words, “kisano keliye kiya tha desh ke liye wapis le raha hoon” has rightly summed up the import of the decision. While the decision is a great set back to the reform process, Modi’s attempt to win back embittered Sikhs would go a long way in building bridges of trust. It has been an endeavour to attenuate the bitterness and alienation, which has pushed Sikhs into Pakistan’s embrace during 1970s and 1980s.

On the flip side, this surrender is a huge win for anarchists. Invoking the farmers protest template anarchists will extract their pound of flesh to derail reforms and development projects. Mainstreaming of protest culture can pose a danger to the well-structured functioning democracy. Modi’s capitulation can dent his credibility as a reformist committed to economic revival and development.

Certainly, this has been a tough call.

Is one step backward worth it? Only time can tell…

 

The Dangerous Predicament of Disruptive Politics

Debate in World’s largest democracy is slowly replaced by disruption. The Parliament, a hallowed platform for critical and constructive debate is turning into an arena of disruption. Revered as a towering encomium of structured debates that laid foundations for the country, the Parliament has now turned into a platform for hooliganism.

Hailed as conglomeration of greatest minds committed for the welfare of the country, the debates in Parliament used to be the trusted source for analysing the nitty-gritties of any proposed legislations from the houses of representatives. But over the years the quality of such rational thinking and the civilised behaviour expected of an iconic legislative body has shrunk.

Instead of respectable debates, the Parliament has become podium for heckling, choicest weapon for settling political scores. Devoid of decency and sane demeanour, besides setting the bad precedent the planned Parliamentary session is turning into notorious spectre of disruptive politics.

Ever since its ascent into power in 2014, the Modi government is accused of being “intolerant, fascist and vicious” by the opposition. But the unabated disruptive politicking ahead of every consecutive parliamentary session has left the common man thinking as who is the right fit for the above sobriquets.

Even before a parliamentary session could kick-in the entire ecosystem is set into motion to overwhelm the political realm with some conspiracy theory or the other. Leaving no space for debate, the media houses with its extensive reach are set into an overdrive of playing the role of an investigator, prosecutor as well as jury.

Interestingly, this cyclical repetition or in fact over use of this new trend of disruption is becoming more predictive. Bereft of productive discussions on issues of development, growth, welfare and progress the vicious underbelly of an intolerance towards the current dispensation is becoming more obvious now.

Despite the best efforts of the opposition to give these conspiracies hewn mostly in foreign countries a different name through its propaganda machinery, the ugly face of its origins and diabolical intentions are getting unravelled. The series of the tool kits designed to create chaos and generate disaffection towards the dispensation have only accentuated the inimical designs of the opposition.

Deconstruction of the unravelled toolkits in recent times has neatly exposed the links between the Indian political parties and their foreign offshore agencies. Rapid busting of a couple of tool kits in tandem in the recent past and their consequent attempts to create unrest in the country has created a doubt in common man about the new kind of politicking employed by the opposition. Bordering on doubt and distrust, the overuse of the foreign agencies for domestic politics has now bolstered the theory of plausible foreign conspiracies at play is taking seed in Indian minds.

Rightly so, just a day ahead of the Monsoon Session of the Parliament, the opposition raked up a spying row and accused government of hacking using the Israeli Pegasus spyware and sought a probe. The Wire first carried out a report stating that 40 Indian journalists are on hacking list of an unidentified agency using the Israeli spyware Pegasus. The list includes journalists at the Hindustan Times, The Hindu, The Wire, The Indian Express, News18, India Today etc.

Indeed, the basis of the report is that a consortium, Forbidden Stories, a non-profit Paris-based journalism and Amnesty International has access to a list of phone numbers living in countries believed to be clients of NSO group, an Israeli firm known for its spyware. These agencies have shared this info to some 15 international agencies. Forbidden Stories claims to have overseen the Pegasus report.

IT Minister Ashwin Vaishnaw on the floor of the Parliament reiterated, “In India there is a well-established procedure through which lawful interception of electronic communication is carried out for the purpose of national security, particularly on the occurrence of any public emergency or in the interest of public safety, by agencies at the centre and states. The request for this lawful interception of electronic communication is made as per relevant rules under the provisions of section 5(2) of Indian Telegraph Act, 1885 and section 69 of the Informational Technology Act, 2000. The procedure therefore ensures that any interception or monitoring of any information is done as per due process of law. The framework and institutions have withstood the test of time”.

He also debunked the charges of opposition by quoting the statement issued by NSO, the company which owns the spyware that the leaked data (released/disseminated) by HLR Lookup services, - “(is)openly available to anyone, anywhere and anytime and are commonly used by governmental agencies as well as by private companies worldwide. It is also beyond dispute that that data has nothing to do with surveillance or with NSO, so there can be no factual basis to suggest that a use of data somehow equates to surveillance”.

Moreover, the Wire Report, which has been the basis for opposition’s tirade against government has stated- “the presence of a number in the database indicates its likely selection as a target for surveillance but whether a phone was actually hacked and infected can only be established through forensic examination of the device”.

Meanwhile, a second tranche of list reported by The Wire included the names of Rahul Gandhi, Prashant Kishore, Abhishek Banerjee, Ashwin Vaishnaw, Prahlad Singh Patel (minister in Modi cabinet), Pravin Tagodia, staffer of former CJI Ranjan Gogoi and 300 others. Instructively, the opposition intensified its attack on government accusing it of using the Pegasus spyware to suppress dissent.

In the run up to 2019 Lok Sabha elections, opposition has stalled the Parliament on similar charges blaming the government of hacking anti-establishment leaders using Pegasus on Whatsapp. But Supreme Court categorically dismissed all these fictitious claims which had no factual basis. Even all the political parties accepted SC’s ruling. A repeat of similar episode before the onset of a new Parliamentary session can’t be a sheer coincidence.

Having just recovered from a Tsunami of Covid wave that has put country’s meagre resources under severe strain, it is duty of government and the elected leaders to evolve a framework to avert another Covid wave and ensure pandemic preparedness. Instead, the opposition has resorted to a ludicrous game plan of obstructing the functioning of the Parliament on the charges of infringement of right to privacy and the concomitant threat to democracy.

Seriously the charges of spying can’t be ignored.  The agencies have advised affected persons to submit their devices believed to be hacked for forensic examination to factually establish the claims. But instead of relying on the logical scientific investigation that can lend credence to their claims the opposition has resorting to disruption.

On the opening day of the session, Opposition through relentless sloganeering heckled the Prime Minister and interrupted the ‘customary’ introduction of new ministers of Cabinet. Similar ruckus was witnessed in both the Houses forcing an adjournment. According to reports, government proposed to discuss 31 bills during the 19-day long session.

Pegasus spying has snowballed into a massive row with political parties insisting on thorough investigation and resignation of Home Minister Amit Shah. Amid ruckus, both the houses of Parliament are adjourned till Thursday.

The spectacle of disruptive politicking is long past its sell by date now. Aspirational Indians are seeking solutions to put the country back on economic trajectory. By failing to contest an orchestrated propaganda to malign Indian institutions and democracy by the Western agencies especially since the turn of the year all for their hate for a single man, opposition has been complicit in bad mouthing of India.

Parliament session has been an opportunity to assert their commitment to nation. But instead of pulling up the government for glaring lacunae, the inconsistencies in delivery and policies that compounded the Covid crisis, by disapproving a debate, they have abdicated their duties as people’s representatives. They have undermined the Parliamentary Democracy.

While the charges of government posing threat to democracy by throttling dissent remains to be established, by hampering the functioning of the Parliament the opposition has certainly brought the Indian democracy to a dangerous precipice.

In their obsession to stay relevant in the political realm through disruption, the political parties are furthering their descent into abyss of irrelevance.

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How the opposition led by the Congress is indulging in shameful politics over vaccines

Indian Political narratives are falling way short of the logic. The series of the flip-flops and shifting of the goal posts by the opposition allude to the same. The over enthusiasm of the opposition to make the Prime Minister the fall guy, exposed their Modi “derangement syndrome”.

Crisis in any country brings people together. Rightly so, every nation’s history is etched with instances of self-less leadership striving to turn crisis into an opportunity. Wuhan virus pandemic, a “once-in-a-century” crisis has thrown up many challenges. India’s scientific community took up this challenge in stride and produced a reliable and efficacious vaccine, a feat accomplished by a handful of nations in the World. Known as the “World’s pharmacy”, India became home for production of two vaccines- Covishield and Covaxin. Prodded by the government of the day, India revelled in the stellar scientific accomplishment. On the contrary, opposition parties with their ignominious political labelling cast aspersions on the indigenous vaccine and inadvertently stoked “vaccine hesitancy”.

Opposition which is rather quick in drawing parallels with other democratic countries to pick on the government for the glaring inadequacies and ill-preparedness in anticipation of next wave of pandemic, have failed to emulate the culture of being responsible leaders during a health emergency. Undeniably, government has floundered on many accounts and the plight of Indians in terms of loss of lives of near and dear ones is testament to these woes.

But unlike in other countries, opposition in India made a spectacle out of the pandemic. Despite a head start, determined to upstage the centre, notwithstanding the enormity of the pandemic, opposition used the occasion for narrative setting and settling political scores.

Alas!!! Even India’s arch-enemies could have behaved with empathy. The leakage of the Congress tool kit, whose origins are yet to be established has only offered a bird’s eye view of the larger conundrum planned by the opposition.  With all postulates propounded in the toolkit already in place, the toolkit couldn’t be dismissed as a frivolous political mischief. The accompanying colossal disinformation campaign comprising of a deluge of tweets seeking help and mounting complaints of unavailability of the beds, medicines, oxygen supplies and vaccines had exacerbated the fears of common man. This orchestrated attempt of breeding ill-will indeed, fuelled dissent and sparked disaffection towards the ruling dispensation.

The panic mongering pertaining to the scarcity of covid resources has been one part of the story with the cornerstone of this toolkit being derailment of the vaccine policy.

At a time when countries have been actively, rolling out and motivating people to make the vaccine drive highly successfully to combat the pandemic, Indian opposition threw spanner in country’s vaccination program. Even as countries, vied with each other to pre-order vaccines, grappling with the hesitancy and lack of acceptance, Indian government cautiously tread this path and rolled out a vaccine program recommended by NEGVAC (National Expert Group of Vaccine Administration for Covid-19).

Accordingly, a three- phase vaccination drive was unveiled for prioritised population groups initially which included– Health care workers in the first phase, frontline workers, elders and people above 45 in the order of priority. To start with, vaccination drive was sequential owing to limited supply of jabs with plans to slowly extend it. Vaccination for all the above three groups was free in all government hospitals.

As per the slated policy, requisite quantities of the vaccines were dispatched to states and UTs. But States like Chhattisgarh rejected jabs sent by centre during the initial stages. Audit reports now indicate that the vaccine wastage has been dismally high in some of the opposition ruled states.

Despite the concerted attempts to frustrate the drive, vaccination process gained much steam by April when the second wave of pandemic hit the country. The ferocity and the lethality of the pandemic unsettled the country.

Suddenly, vaccine sceptics and anti-vaxxers lambasted the government for the slow pace of the vaccination. Hauled it over coals for the Vaccine Maitri and for failing to pre-order sufficient supplies. Overnight, vaccines were pronounced as the magic bullet to keep the pandemic at bay by the opposition. Indeed, with the deluge of pandemic, snuffing out young lives, opposition censured the government for failing to predict the intensity and spread of the pandemic and rooted for vaccination for all. Relenting to growing calls for mass inoculation, Central government in charge of the Vaccination policy, made the necessary amends.

In contravention to the National Vaccination Policy of 2011 legislated by the UPA government, where Centre is mandated to acquire vaccines, relenting to the appeals of state chief ministers, Prime Minister allowed them to manage the vaccination process. Starting May 1^st, fourth phase of vaccination was launched by the states to inoculate 18-44 age group. Decentralising the whole process, the supply basket was divided into two - 50 percent for centre and 50 percent for open markets. States were allowed to procure vaccines from the manufacturers directly.

Reminding the centre of the federal spirit and denouncing it for being obstinate and arrogant, states demanded decentralisation of vaccine process. Regional leaders pledged to put vaccination process back on track by taking full charge of the situation. Accusing centre for failing to ensure the smooth supply of vaccine leading to shortages, states have set out for global tendering. But the Pharma companies insisted on dealing with central government alone.

In the fourth phase, majority of states announced free vaccines for above 18 age group obtained jabs from centre based on the extent of infection and speed of vaccination. They were free to negotiate with the manufactures to buy needed vaccines. While the centre’s free vaccination drive continued, differential pricing of vaccines for states and private hospitals and other issues cropped up. States vaccinated for free, but private players charged different amounts for the jabs.

Needling the centre’s original vaccine policy, the overzealous state leaders who wanted to leverage the jabs for political gains have messed up the whole situation. Launching a tirade against the centre amid a pandemic, opposition posed hurdles to the vaccination even as government expedited the process of acquiring more jabs from foreign players.

Russia’s Sputnik V sale began by last week of May. To cope up with increasing vaccine demand, centre facilitated entry of six vaccines, which are slated to enter Indian markets from August. By the end of 2021, two billion doses will be made available.

Centre’s Vaccine policy, which has been maintaining steady progress till May started facing hiccups thanks to the lackadaisical appeals of the states.

Interestingly, the fourth phase has been a witness to mediocre vaccine agenda of states wherein Bengal replaced the picture of Prime Minister Modi with CM Mamata’s photo on vaccine certificate, Delhi announced “Jahan vote wahan vaccination”, Punjab government was caught selling the jabs obtained from Centre’s quota to private hospitals and Rajasthan’s vaccine wastage racket emerged. Under the garb of Vaccine drive, states began to pursue their political agendas.  Not satisfied with trading vaccines and wasting the precious resources, they have turned the vaccination process into a veritable electoral campaign.

The colossal mess of confusion an outcome of states vaccine decentralisation appeals, prompted the SC to pull up the central government for its arbitrary vaccine policy. Connivingly, the Congress party, having framed the National Vaccine Policy, cognizant of Central government’s centrality for the vaccination process, egged on the regional leaders to create this commotion. The unfoldment of vaccination melodrama at the height of the pandemic has laid bare the hypocrisies and brazen politicking of the opposition.

For all the ruckus and the slanderous pandemic propaganda on inadequate vaccine supplies, major pharma players overwhelmed by pre-orders expressed their inability to supply vaccines till 2022. Majority of the countries are still pursuing a phased vaccination drive. For an emerging country like India which can’t afford frequent lockdowns, mass inoculation is a necessity. But vaccination making is not a two-minute noodle making job.

Putting things in perspective, Prime Minister Modi’s in his address to the nation yesterday, demolished the fallacious propaganda of the opposition on India’s vaccine policy. Setting things straight, PM questioned the vaccine hesitancy fuelled by opposition and apprised them of previous vaccination drives by different governments till now.

Facing the ire of opposition, government has agreed to decentralise the vaccine policy. But with states expressing inability to continue the mass inoculation, revoked the decentralisation and enunciated a new plan which will be in place from June 21^st. As per the revised policy, centre has announced free vaccination to all, continuation of free ration till Diwali and a centralised vaccine procurement as well.

Data doesn’t lie and vaccination numbers clearly puts India among select few countries with respectable inoculation rates. Given the huge population, the numbers as in percentage of population inoculated may not be encouraging, but absolute numbers reflect the robustness of the logistics of delivery mechanisms of India. To cope up with vast demand government has expedited grant approval to vaccine manufacturers and removed all roadblocks for scaling up vaccination production. But vested interests in cahoots with political leaders and media are endlessly running a dishonest campaign. To this end, Modi’s address did a great service in repelling the pessimistic portrayal.

Essentially, a modicum of earnestness and solemnity by various stakeholders will go a long way in combatting the devastating pandemic. Intriguingly, despite the flexible approach of the government, the opposition still refuses to acknowledge government’s efforts. Steeped in a hatred, government is blamed for everything, “damned you do and damned if you don’t”. Given their approach, opposition perpetual accusation of political arrogance attributed to ruling dispensation suits them better.

Politics is integral to a thriving democracy with multi-party systems. But issues related to national security, health emergencies, natural disasters must be exempted from this ruthless politicking. Demonstrating their double standards, the opposition which is keen on apportioning the entire blame of the COVID pandemic on Modi despite health being a state subject refuses to appreciate him for the policy which they have been advocating.

 

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Is ongoing post-poll violence in Bengal an offshoot of Mamata’s legacy politics?

Experts in the recent past warned of foreboding “Demography is Destiny”. Despite the wise counsel, Indians chose to disregard it. Then the Bengal Elections happened. Political analysts across the board propounded various postulates for the unstoppable electoral triumph of TMC Supremo Mamata Banerjee. Mamata’s landslide victory for a third time in a row winning over two-thirds seats amid poor or insignificant economic development, lack of employment opportunities and communal fissures surprised many. In this make or break kind of election for Mamata, Left and Congress drew blank and the newly formed pan-Islamic front ISF managed a single seat and BJP which was confident of forming a government ended up with 77 seats. The results point to an unequivocal vote consolidation. In fact, Muslim vote consolidation has instrumental for Banerjee’s stupendous victory.

Just moments after the election results were declared, BJP’s Arambagh’s office was reduced to ashes, Suvendu Adhikari’s car was attacked, BJP karyakarthas were chased, hunted and murdered. A sudden burst of violence gripped the state. The callous response of the state machinery, law and order agencies seemingly indicated as if there was an unsigned agreement to unveil a pogrom on political rivals.

Even during the election campaigning, the incumbent party supremo made secret of her intentions in several videos that appeared on the social media including an open threat to political challengers. But the brutal murder of hapless citizens for exercising their basic constitutional right of choosing and voting a political entity of their choice has sent shock waves across the country. Though political violence isn’t uncommon in Bengal, the current episode of pogrom which hovered on the margins of political terrorism has been a rude shock to everyone and especially to BJP. Having clinched the reigns for the second time with a brute majority, people had high expectations from the party to defend, protect and save them from these political killings.

But the abject apathy and helplessness expressed by the party in the dire crisis left them dejected and disappointed. Besides BJP the offices of other political parties were raided and destroyed. Barring strong worded tweets, not a single party worth its grain came out openly to condemn this macabre of violence unleashed on the citizens of Bengal, mostly Hindus. Hailing the restoration of Democracy in Bengal, Congress party has brazened it out and preferred to remain a mute spectator. While the inaction of BJP warrants a detailed discussion, the stoic silence of all political parties and their ecosystem to the grievous murder and massacre of BJP workers who majorly included Hindus should be a cause of concern.

For eons, selective outrage and filtering the events through communal prism has become order of the day reaching its zenith in the Modi regime. The caustic condemnation has always been reserved for the Hindus irrespective of the genesis and repercussions of the events. But the post-election violence in Bengal with all the makings of an insurgency must be investigated and quelled with brute force and authority if needed.

Under the garb of secularism, Indian authorities have lived in a denial for a fear of angering the minority, which by no account can be deemed as minority with their population touching 200 crores. Muslim population in Bengal which was 12% at the time of partition has reached 30% in some districts. Finding the Bangladeshi Muslim infiltration as a potential vote bank successive political leadership turned a blind eye to their unrestrained infiltration disregarding the impending consequences on the delicate social fabric and national security. In Murshidabad, Muslims are the dominant population making up for close to 70%.

As the Muslim population began to swell, riots, restrictions on free speech and religion have become integral to society. Incidentally, the six Muslim majority districts of Bengal- Malda, Murshidabad, North 24 Parganas, South 24 Parganas, Uttar Dinajpur, Birbhum have turned into safe havens for Islamists and hotbeds for communal clashes. Thanks to Muslim population explosion which doesn’t follow family planning their votes are now a crucial factor in deciding the poll outcome of 100 seats.

Despite several alerts from the National Security Agencies, the government of the day refrained from imposing stringent checks on the nefarious activities emanating from these regions. On the contrary, apprehensive of falling foul with Muslims, parties heaped special privileges, financial sops to win their favour.

Leveraging the vote bank, the community began penetrating all the agencies- political processes, law enforcement and media. Together, these developments have heralded Bengal into a state where curbs on religious practices and freedom of speech have become a regular feature. Already, some regions in Murshidabad are given into implementing the doctrine and religious practices of Shariah. Change in demography has slowly but inexorably changed the socio-political attributes of the state.

Since the turn of the century, governments began to acquiesce the demands of blasphemy and the Kolkata riots in 2007 against Taslima Nasreen has been first major signal of the pluralistic Bengal society yielding to intolerant factions. Unrelenting protests forced the state to call Army for help.

After Mamata took over as Chief Minister, she doubled up Muslim appeasement. Religious fundamentalism thrived. In response to homicide of a Mullah in 2013 in Naliakhali village, communally motivated people unleashed a wave of violence and burnt down over 200 Hindu homes and displaced 2000 people. Most of the riots were fomented and actively supported by SIMI (Students Islamic Movement of India) and ISI. Investigation agencies during their raid on the banned outfit SIMI recovered a map of a separate Caliphate, Mughalistan for Muslims of India comprising parts of Pakistan, Bangladesh and parts of Northern India¹.

Mamata’s Muslim pandering is enabling the radical Islamist outfits, who are rooting for second partition of India to expand their foothold. Envisaged as a large corridor running through the Indo-Gangetic plain to include the Muslim majority regions of India, Mughalistan was developed by Mughalstan Research Institute (MRI), Bangladesh with the patronage of ISI and Bangladesh’s Director General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI). It is believed to be a part of Zia-ul-Haq’s Operation Tupac, a grandiose plan to balkanise India².

Natural corollary of Muslim dominance has been targeted violent attacks on Hindus. The plummeting Hindu population in Bangladesh and Pakistan serve as prime examples. This thumb rule has no exceptions in West Bengal either where riots are common place especially in border regions. Hindu homes, places of worship and businesses are selectively destroyed raising “Naara-e-takbeer” slogans.

Offering a deeper insight about the repercussions of explosion of Muslim population to non-Muslim societies, Janet Levy in the article- “The Muslim Takeover of Bengal” in 2015, warned of serious implications³. Written in the context of the implications of a growing Muslim population in the non-Muslim societies, as a caution to European countries planning to offer shelter to Muslim refugees, Janet refers to the gradual transmogrification of West Bengal.

Since her ascension to power, Mamata has invested heavily in cultivating her vote bank through special allowances to Mullahs, regularising over 10,000 Saudi-funded Madrassas (indoctrination centres) built exclusive townships, hospitals, universities, colleges and hostels for Muslims. Offered subsidies and scholarship to Muslim youth. Under her watch the number of Muslim legislators has also increased. To earn their sympathies, she even recited the Kalima Shahadat, an Islamic conversion prayer amidst Imams.

The results are for us to see. Muslims vote along the lines dictated by Imams. Having won the favours of Imams, Mamata ramped home victory with thumping majority.

Under her regime, entire Hindu villages in Muslim majority districts are being targeted, terrorised and forced to convert. Hindu women are molested, raped forcing families to flee to safer areas for livelihood selling their lands and houses. Hindus temples are vandalised or destroyed, Hindu leaders are killed and festivals are not allowed to be celebrated. Hindu population is steadily depleting in the border regions. The demographics of the region are now being altered.

Bengal is now Kashmir in making. The well-orchestrated pogrom which is now passed off as post-poll violence against BJP workers is in fact a targeted attempt to persecute Hindus. Reports now indicate that Hindus across the party lines are targeted and that nearly 1 lakh Bengalis have fled since the eruption of violence on May 2^nd. Hemanta Biswa Sharma, BJP Assam leader took to twitter to inform that 450 Bengalis crossed over to Assam⁴. Incidentally, the ongoing post-poll violence is an offshoot of Mamata’s appeasement politics. 14 BJP workers are killed in these targeted attacks.

India’s partition in 1947, the forced exodus of Kashmiri Pandits in 1990 and rapid Islamisation of Kashmir valley are grim reminders of how Islamic expansionism dictated by Islamic doctrines and augured by demographic dominance work. India has thus far paid heavy price for failing to learn lessons from the past and heeding to warnings. Unfortunately, Bengal which reeled under barbaric Direct Action Day is reliving the harrowing experiences through these periodic unremitting attacks.

Power greedy politicians and the secular lobbies are shamelessly offering cover to the fundamentalists perpetrating soft jihad in India. While Hindu unity can alone repulse and snuff out the roots of Islamic fanaticism, intellectuals must explore legal measures to curb the unrestrained appeasement. Above all, India must institute constitutional remedial measures outlawing any attempts to balkanise India.

 

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