Since the 2021 infamous coup in Myanmar that led to the incarceration of the National League for Democracy (NLD) chief Aung San Suu Kyi and the retake of the country by the Tatmadaw, the country is sinking into a veritable collapse. Besides the muddled political scenario, the country is eventually staring at a split.
At a
high-level meeting, the President of the Myanmar State Administration Council
(SAC), Myint Swe, said, “if the government does not effectively manage the
incidents happening in the border region, the country will be split into
various parts”. This comes in the wake of the takeover of several military
posts and border trade towns along the Myanmar-China border by the Three
Brotherhood Alliance (3BA) in the first week of November. The grave statement
has an element of truth and should ring alarm bells for the countries in the neighbourhood,
especially India.
The military
coup of February 2021 has enflamed a rebellion, which has picked up momentum
since then. The (3BA), formed in June 2019, comprises of Myanmar Democratic
National Alliance Army (MNDAA), Ta’ang National Army (TNLA), and Arakan Army
(AA). After maintaining initial silence towards Junta rule and crackdown, the
alliance openly declared their opposition by the end of March 2021. Following
confrontations with the junta and suffering damages, the alliance partners
agreed to a truce in November 2022. The groups used this peacetime to
consolidate resources, regroup, arm, recruit, and train people.
Joining
hands with the Ethnically Armed Organisations (EAOs), and Peoples Defense
Forces (PDF) the alliance launched a massive counter-offensive on October 27,
nicknamed Operation 1027, and captured the border city Chinshwehaw in the North
Shan region. As per some reports, the alliance managed to seize control of 150
military outposts.
Brutal
crackdown measures of the junta like carpet bombing, air strikes, and artillery
bombardments have displaced several thousand after the ouster of the civilian
government in February 2021. The rebellion counter-offensive which has now
potentially assumed the interpretation of “second independence war” is
now backed by extremely well-aligned and armed insurgent forces which are
determined to overthrow the junta. Established ethnic armies like Kachin,
Karen, Chin and Karenni have strategically allied with the National Unity
Government (NUG) which has been at the receiving end of the Junta’s severe
crackdown.
Myanmar's
history is riddled with several resistance movements. But what makes the
ongoing operation different is an uncanny collaboration between the various
groups and waning support to the military junta even in its stronghold Barmar region.
Despite the losses in terms of life and material and massive displacement, people
are willingly supporting the rebel groups.
Coordinated
attacks on the military junta across different parts of the country by various
rebel groups are wearing out the junta. The multi-pronged attacks included- 3BA
offensive in the Northern Shan, Karen National Union in the South East at the
outskirts of capital Naypyitaw, occupation of highways and bridges by Kachin
Independence Army (KIA) in Sagaing and Magwe regions, and attacks by Chin
National Army along the Indo-Myanmar border. Exhausted of resources and spread
out too thin across the country, devoid of strategic depth the junta now
finding it immensely difficult to regain the lost territories.
Junta is now
additionally haunted by the scarcity of manpower and difficulties in
redeployment and reinforcements with convoys subjected to ambushes. Junta has
traditionally controlled the cities and towns. But the rebel groups are now
stalling the movement of junta convoys by choking the roads and bridges.
China which
wielded a restraining force on the EAOs is no longer averse to letting them loose.
Given their frustration with the junta government’s inaction against the mushrooming
of numerous scam centers targeting Chinese citizens close to borders. Internet
Scam centers believed to be controlled by militia loyal to the junta are
scamming the Chinese diaspora and have become the financial lifeline of the junta.
The rebel groups that gained substantial control of the north Shan with key
border outposts have promised to dismantle the scam center network. Scam centers
have become a major embarrassment due to the brutal treatment of trafficked
trapped victims.
Under
pressure from China, the insurgent groups from Shan have handed over scamsters
to Chinese police. Over 4000 people were sent over to the border. While
attempts were underway to rescue and release the trapped victims, the guards of
the scam centers reportedly shot dead several of them. It is in the aftermath
of this event on October 20, 3BA launched a massive offensive. Though China has
lent diplomatic support to the junta, their indifference to Chinese concerns,
delays in BRI, and losses suffered due to the takeover of the border trade post
by the 3BA have miffed Beijing. The 3BA has now taken over Laukkaing, a major
township where an entire Myanmar battalion has surrendered and deposited arms.
Having made
great progress, the rebel groups are in no mood to relent and agree to a ceasefire
as they want to expand beyond their boundaries and consolidate their positions.
They no longer see value in negotiating with a military government that doesn’t
enjoy any legitimacy. To win constitutional recognition of statehood for their
people within the new federal system, they are keen on striking a deal with a
future elected government.
Chin
National Army (CAN) captured Rihkhawdar and Khampat towns along the
Indo-Myanmar border and this led to the crossing over of 42 Myanmar soldiers
illegally into India. India has repatriated 39 of them back. In a similar
instance two days ago, 29 Myanmar soldiers surrendered to Mizoram police. Amid
this fresh offensive between the military junta and rebels along the
Indo-Myanmar border, more than 5000 refugees entered Mizoram.
The major
fallout of the rebels overpowering the military junta has serious repercussions
for India especially in the Northeast. The insufficient military infrastructure
along the 1600km porous Indo-Myanmar border has further exacerbated the issue.
The Indo-Myanmar military cooperation which pivots on Myanmar’s military
assurance of reining the NE insurgent groups has suffered a setback with the
declining junta power. The insurgents, their supporters and even the people
displaced due to the persistent gun conflict between the junta and rebellion
groups are crossing over to India.
The
undeniable link and the dubious role played by the NE insurgents in the wake of
the political crisis in Myanmar since 2021 is becoming more pronounced.
Insurgents have regrouped, rearmed and have become more active with the junta
now training guns on the EAOs. Besides, the security angle, Myanmar is an
important part of India’s Act East policy in terms of connectivity and to
counter Chinese presence. A semblance of peace is crucial for the completion
and operationalisation of the Kaladan Multi-Modal Project which can balance
China’s Kyuakphu port.
Of the four
Indian states bordering Myanmar, Manipur and Mizoram are witnessing a steady
stream of illegal Myanmar migrants. As of July 2023, other than the still
unregistered and unaccounted number of Rohingyas living in India, India is
hosting 74,600 Myanmar migrants of which 54,100 have migrated after the 2021
February coup. Of them, 40,000 refugees are in Mizoram and 8,250 are in Manipur1.
The unabated flow of refugees and the subsequent unrest in the state of Manipur
which has been on the boil for six months has become an issue of major concern
for India.
This issue
is further complicated by the outright rejection of India’s government’s order
to collect biometrics of the refugees by Mizoram state citing ethnic
connection. Gearing up for the assembly election, the Mizoram Minister said, “Collecting
the biometric data of Myanmar refugees would be discriminatory since they are
like our own brothers and sisters”2. Indeed, the Mizoram
government has forced the Meities who entered the state seeking shelter from
rising violence to leave due to their ethnic solidarity with Kuki and Zo
groups.
The
Indigenous Tribal Leaders Forum (ITLF) of Manipur had tried to downplay the large
illegal migration saying, “of course, some Kuki-Chin people have crossed
over from Myanmar over the years due to hostile situation there, but that has
never been in any alarming numbers at all” and even added, “immigration
is being used as an excuse to drive Manipur’s indigenous Kuki population out of
the land”. Ethnicity is of paramount importance to the various groups
living in the North East. ITLF has opposed the screening of illegal migrants in
Manipur terming it as “selective targeting”3.
The latest
exodus of Myanmar refugees included the displaced from Chin, a region found to
have the highest density of poppy cultivation as per the UNODC (United Nations
Office on Drug and Crime) 2023 report. With the official ban on poppy
cultivation by the Afghan Taliban in April 2022, cultivation in Afghanistan
fell by 95%. But the cultivation of the same picked up pace in Myanmar and the
“Golden Triangle” of the drug trade became more active.
Concomitant
to these geopolitical changes, Manipur intensified a crackdown on poppy
cultivation particularly in the regions bordering the Chin. Destruction of the
poppy cultivation and the drug trafficking networks is among the main reasons
for hilly Kuki angst against the government which has subsequently snowballed
into a massive conflict between the Kuki tribes of hills and Meities in the
valley.
Underscoring
the damning impact of the Myanmar refugee in enflaming ethnic conflict in
Manipur, the Home Minister on his visit to the state blamed them for the
violence. He assured that the ‘Manipur-Myanmar border will be sealed as part
of a permanent solution to the illegal influx’. Tensions in Myanmar have
direct consequences on the fragile peace in the Northeast region. Emboldened by
the latest gains of the EAO’s in the bordering Chin and Sagaing regions, the
ITLF, an organisation of Kuki-Zo tribes has issued an ultimatum to the central
government threatening to set up self-government if their demand for a separate
administration is not accepted in the next two weeks. An FIR is now lodged
against the ITLF leader Muan Tombing for ‘waging war’ against India since there
is no constitutional or legal basis for a demand for separate administration.
In the
meanwhile, Indian government expressed serious concerns over the situation in
Myanmar with the junta carrying out airstrikes to regain control of the border
regions. MEA spokesperson said, “There has been a movement of refugees to
the Indian side. We are deeply concerned with such incidents close to our
border. Our position on the ongoing situation in Myanmar is very clear. We want
a cessation of violence and resolution of the situation through constructive
dialogue. We reiterate our call for the return of peace, stability, and
democracy in Myanmar”4.
India is
closely monitoring the situation and recently announced to holding of Indo-US-Myanmar
joint exercises in Meghalaya. Thus far,
the military junta has adopted a divide-and-rule policy to wield its control.
Reversing this strategy, the EAOs, People’s Defense Forces, and National Unity
Government, the government in exile are trying to come together to bring an end
to the military rule in Myanmar. The 3BA has been instrumental in bringing
together these disparate groups of resistance coalition seeking autonomy and a
democratic federal structure for Myanmar. Though differences and distrust still
exist, the civil war seems to have attained a critical mass to topple the junta
regime. But the tremors of the resistance are now deeply felt in India. New
Delhi is seriously concerned with the conflict consuming the fragile peace of
India’s North East
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