The victory of the pro-China leaning, Dr. Mohammed Muizzu in the recently concluded Maldivian Presidential Elections has shifted the focus to the geopolitical arena of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). The India-China rivalry in the region has become the newest talking point ever since. The Presidential Elections entered run-off phase after the contest between diverse candidates ended with no clear winner. None of the presidential candidates failed to obtain the mandated 50 percent plus one vote mark in the first round.
The second
phase of elections held on September 30 threw up a decisive result with the China-leaning
Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM) candidate and Mayor of Male City, Mohamed
Muizzu emerging victorious with 54 percent votes. Muizzu has in fact
consolidated his lead in the first round where he managed to garner 46 percent
of votes while incumbent pro-India Mohammed Solih obtained 39 percent of votes.
Muizzu entered the fray at the eleventh hour as an underdog after the Supreme
Court rejected former President Abdulla Yameen’s eligibility for the
Presidential election.
Abdulla
Yameen, lodged in jail over corruption and embezzlement charges has brought the
archipelago to a critical juncture, turning the region into an arena of contest
between India and China. Yameen who was elected to power in 2018 has securely
lodged Maldives in China’s orbit by joining the BRI. Yameen became president in
2013 after President Nasheed was deposed and forced to resign in 2012. After
Nasheed was ousted from power, he came to India and this has created a
perception of alleged Indian interference in the domestic affairs of Maldives. India
and Maldives always had cordial relations. New Delhi has been the first
responder to countries in IOR.
Maldives
which lies along strategic sea lines of communication holds immense geographic
significance given the burgeoning volumes of trade flows through this region.
The Maldivian archipelago spread across the vast expanse of the Indian Ocean is
crucial for India in securing its maritime interests. Yameen’s pro-China turn has
given a new twist to India-Maldives bilateral ties and turned the Indian Ocean
archipelago into a zone of strategic rivalry between India and China.
Yameen’s new
shift came at a time when China had intensified its power assertion, especially
in the IOR. The unbridled flow of Chinese investments into the archipelago as
infrastructure development projects over the period of five years of Yameen’s
tenure has plunged Maldives into the abyss of debt which was pegged at $ 3.1
billion as against the country’s GDP of $4.9 billion1. Yameen
unequivocally favoured China and even passed a constitutional amendment
allowing foreign ownership of the land. Any foreigner who invests $1 billion
can buy land provided 70% of it is reclaimed from the Indian Ocean. He even
signed a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with China and endorsed the Maritime Silk
Route (MSR).
The high
levels of debt and the skewed bilateral trade have fuelled default worries. The
precedent of China taking over Sri Lanka’s Hambantota port of 99 years lease
for a debt of $ 1.5 billion has exacerbated these concerns. These fears of
being drawn into a debt trap have eventually turned contentious Chinese
economic influence in Maldives into the single-point agenda of the Presidential
Election in 2018.
In the 2018
election, pro-India Ibrahim Mohammed Solih (Ibu) of the Maldives Democratic
Party (MDP) emerged victorious and advocated the “India First” policy. Solih
rejuvenated bilateral engagement with India and repealed some of the pro-China
legislations and sought Indian assistance for infrastructure development,
capacity building and community development projects. Besides, strengthening
defence cooperation, India and Maldives along with Sri Lanka inaugurated the
maiden Colombo Security Conclave (CSC) Focused Operation for enhanced military
security in the IOR. Countries even conducted
trilateral maritime exercises to build operational synergy. Under Solih,
India-Maldives relations received a new lease for life.
Male’s drift
toward India under Solih augmented Quad countries' focus on Maldives to counter
Chinese influence in the region. The US opened an embassy in Maldives in
September. The UK and Australia have also opened embassies in May 2023. In July
2023, Japan's Foreign Minister visited Male and pledged to promote security
cooperation.
India’s
steady developmental assistance to the tune of $2 billion, and the training of
Maldivian defence and security personnel have lent a new depth to the bilateral
ties. India’s increased activity was viewed with suspicion by the opposition.
In 2022, former president Yameen steered the “India Out Campaign” which
gained traction among the hardline Islamists. Though Solih has attempted to
douse this campaign, deeming it as a “threat to national security”, the
opposition stoked a narrative that national sovereignty and independence are
under threat due to India.
The
opposition effectively stoked this “anti-India” rhetoric in the election
against incumbent Solih. Anti-incumbency has been the general order of the
Maldivian election and after the first round of election itself, it was
increasingly evident that Solih is bound to lose. Additionally, the
Solih-Nasheed deal turned sour just ahead of the elections. Solih and Nasheed
joined hands in 2018 and agreed on a deal to allow for a transfer of power from
a Presidential to a Parliamentary format after 18 months of Solih taking
office. But this didn’t happen. This rift further widened and in June 2023,
both Nasheed and Solih parted ways. Nasheed even formed a new party- Democrats.
The party ran a campaign “Anyone, but Ibu (Solih)”. Interestingly, the candidate backed by
Nasheed garnered 7 percent votes in the first round of the election. Together,
all these factors dented Solih’s prospects of getting back to power.
After the
election, fulfilling his campaign promise, Muizzu requested the transfer of
jailed Yameen from prison to house arrest. He has also promised to remove
Indian troops from Maldives and balance trade relations. Troops from India are
stationed in Maldives include- a team training the Maldivian Navy and a few
personnel deployed to take care of the Dornier Aircraft and two medical
ambulances gifted by New Delhi. The total strength as opposed to a misleading
impression of a large number is just 75. If Maldives intends to send them back,
they will lose the lone diplomatic leverage against China.
Given,
China’s aggressive push to bolster its presence in IOR, it is incumbent on
small countries in the region that they maintain a balance in their relations
between both India and China. Additionally, by antagonising India, Maldives
will risk its fledging ties with Quad countries and France. Given the
geographic realities, India is favoured medical and holiday destination for
Maldivians. India has come to the Maldives for immediate rescue- be it
Operation Cactus, tsunami, covid pandemic or supplying fresh water.
Having
gotten elected on anti-India rhetoric, while Muizzu will be tempted to
downgrade ties with India, the potential consequences can include Maldives
becoming cannon fodder for Chinese power ambitions. The issue of the debt trap
is real and the economic recession of Sri Lanka should warrant Muizzu a former
minister in Yameen’s cabinet to strike a balance. While the perception of India
as a big brother is played to the hilt by small countries to bash India, New
Delhi’s swift help and assistance during Sri Lanka’s economic crisis must be
factored in by Muizzu before mulling radical changes to Maldives' foreign
policy. India matched Chinese investments in Maldives and expressed its willingness
to always help.
With
Yameen’s lackey back in power, India is bound to lose “pre-eminent status”.
India has also come to terms with the overriding influence of domestic politics
on foreign policy especially among the small countries in IOR. It is going to
be a daunting challenge but through careful recalibration of diplomatic
engagement, New Delhi will rejuvenate ties with the new regime. India has
deftly managed to steer forward her relations with Sri Lanka following the
return of pro-China Rajapaksas into power and the Taliban in Afghanistan. Reiterating
India’s commitment, PM Modi became the first leader to congratulate Muizzu on
being elected and stated, “India remains committed to strengthening the
time-tested India-Maldives bilateral relationship and enhancing our overall
cooperation in the Indian Ocean Region”2.
The
take-home message for India from the Maldives election is to engage with all
political stockholders to mitigate diplomatic shocks and surprises. Even as the political bigwigs aren’t in
favour of a change, the country is gearing for a referendum to amend the
Constitution from the existing Presidential to a Parliamentary form. If this
referendum is voted through, Nasheed is tipped to become the Prime Minister and
head of the government. Moreover, Muizzu and Yameen have a tenuous relationship
and it is subject to Muizzu’s deliverance on his promise to get Yameen out of
prison. Subject to many ifs and buts, Muizzu may not have the leeway to roll
out a entirely different foreign policy.
India has
been the major security provider of the region and plays a quintessential role
in the region’s stability as well. Above all, given India’s rising global
stature, IOR countries can ill afford not to engage with New Delhi.
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