Modi’s Fronting of Temple Reclamation and Redevelopment Spurs a New Cultural Churn

Donning a hand-made ‘Chola Dora’ gifted by women from Himachal’s Chamba for Kedareshwar darshan besides keeping up the promise of wearing it in a cold region, Prime Minister Modi forged a ‘special connect’ with the pahadis of Uttarakhand during his two-day visit to the region. Etched with fine embroidery work of swastika and mor pankh on the back, the symbols had a special message to signify. Of late, Western intellectuals have deceitfully abused swastika as the Hakenfrauz, the hooked cross of Nazi Germany. Hindus in America fought tooth and nail against the criminalization of the most auspicious swastika. By proudly flaunting a swastika, Modi has paralyzed the orchestrated campaign of its portrayal as a hate symbol.

The global ‘Hinduphobia’ is rearing its ugly fangs offering cover to targeted attacks against Hindus using the faux distinction between Hinduism and Hindutva. Several states in the US -California, Texas, Florida, New Jersey, Ohio, and Massachusetts declared October as “Hindu Heritage Month” recognising the great contributions of Hinduism. New York schools have announced a holiday for Diwali.  Concomitantly, the blatant anti-Hindu Teaneck Democrats Resolution pandering to Muslims warns of the burgeoning rise of ‘Hinduphobia’.

Amid these threats, the Indian government’s inadequate holding up has caused some valid disappointment.  Indeed, even Hindus in India, the supposed numerical majority share similar frustration with the current dispensation cliched as “Hindu Nationalist government”. This displeasure is exacerbated by the government’s inability in bringing out concrete legislation that safeguards their rights, temples and institutions. Instead of constitutional remedies, Prime Minister Modi is going all guns blazing by pushing the idea of a ‘New India’. Rooting this idea by internationalising Yoga as an Indian Knowledge System, Modi has laid the ground in the first term. Swiftly changing gears, in the second term, the Modi government began making an accelerated push for cultural revivalism.

Modi kickstarted cultural rejuvenation by laying the foundation stone of Kashi Vishwanath Mandir Vistarikaran and Soudaryakaran Yojana on March 19^th, 2019 and stated “this project will become a model for similar projects elsewhere, and would give a new global identity to Kashi”¹. Inaugurating the renovated temple corridor over two years later, Modi highlighted, “the new complex of Vishwanath Dham is not just a grand building. It is a symbol of the Sanatana culture of India. It is a symbol of our spiritual soul. This is a symbol of India’s antiquity, traditions, energy and dynamism. At the Vishwanath Dham complex, we can see a glimpse of how antiquity and novelty are coming alive together, how the inspirations of the ancient are giving directions to the future”².

The underlying spirit and yearning desire for bringing about cultural revivalism were pregnant in Modi’s address. In fact, he reiterated a similar thought at the propitious Bhoomi Pujan of Ram Mandir at Ayodhya in August 2020. Expressing delight over the Ram Janma Bhoomi becoming free “from centuries old-chain of destruction and resurrection”, he said, the temple “will symbolise our eternal hope. It will epitomise our national feeling. The temple will be the emblem of the collective willpower of millions of people. This shrine would inspire hope, devotion, and determination in the minds of future generations”³.

In fact, while each of these events certainly made a mark in terms of the optics and yielding political currency, the consistent attempts, and a conviction to restore past glory to these places of immense spiritual and religious significance were undeniable. Unveiling the statue of Adi Shankara Statue at Kedarnath in 2021, Modi who always took a special interest in building back Kedarnath, post devastating 2013 floods, remarked, “people who used to come here used to say that will this, our Kedar Dham, stand up again? But my inner voice was saying that it will stand with more pride than ever before”⁴.

By installing the statue of Adi Shankaracharya who steered the renaissance of Sanatana Dharma, Modi not only resurrected the tradition but attempted to restore the glory of the Jyotirling. His spiritual voyage to Kedarnath Dham and overnight stay in the meditation cave has solidified his legacy as an “unapologetic Hindu”.

While political analysts would dismiss these as optics and Modi baiters brand it as symbolism, inexorably, through a slew of reclamation and renovation projects of temples, Modi is slowly pushing the idea of an India that is keen on asserting its identity in toto while aspiring to reach the pinnacles of economic development and modernity. Replete with leaders who were averse to flaunting their Sanatana identity, by wearing religion on his sleeves, Modi stood out for embracing religiosity in its entirety.

In June, Modi unfurled a flag on the refurbished Kali Mata temple in Gujarat’s Pavagada. The temple fell into disrepair as the dargah stood atop of the temple for the past 500 years. By amicably shifting the dargah to a different place, the temple was restored to full glory. Hoisting the flag Modi said, “you can imagine that the flag was not hoisted on the summit of Maa Kali till after five centuries and even after 75 years of Independence. Today the flag is once again hoisted on the summit of the Pavagadh temple after centuries. It is also a symbol of the fact that centuries change, eras change, but the peak of faith remains eternal”⁵.

Modi government’s genuine interest, enthusiasm, and conviction towards the revival and refurbishment of temple corridors are in stark contrast to the episodic temple run of seasonal politicians. Undoubtedly, while PM Modi must have accrued ample political mileage with his temple visits, there is an iota of truth when he said, temples suffered neglect, “due to the selfishness of the previous governments”.

Modi’s fronting of temples has another important facet to it. Inaugurating the first phase of the Mahakal Lok Complex, of Mahakaleshwar Jyotirling, Ujjain, Modi rightly recalled the importance of the ancient town of Avantika (present-day Ujjain) saying, “Ujjain has led India’s wealth and prosperity, knowledge, and dignity, civilization and literature of thousands of years”. Traditionally, Ujjain is among the most sacred seven cities or Sapta Puri – Avantika, Ayodhya, Mathura, Haridwar, Kanchi, Kashi, and Dwarka of India. Astronomically, Ujjain is the centre of India and the abode of Mahakaleshwar, the personification of time. He added, “the cultural splendour of a nation becomes vast only when the flag of its success flutters on the world map. And, to reach the pinnacle of success, it is also necessary that the nation touches its cultural heights and should stand proudly with its identity”.

In more than seven decades of India’s independence, political dispensations never took pride in openly celebrating, revering, and honoring the legacy of India and seldom prided in its glory. Ensnared by a narrative that belittled anything indigenous, the country had disowned its legacy at its own peril. Indian civilisation thrived for thousands of years due to the continuity of its tradition, values, culture, and above all spiritual confidence. India’s identity is its civilisational values. A pride in this identity can be restored through a cultural resurrection.

Exhorting India to “liberate from the mentality of slavery”, Modi added, “I believe that this development of our Jyotirlings is the development of India’s spiritual light, the development of India’s knowledge and philosophy. This cultural philosophy of India is again reaching the summit and getting ready to guide the world”⁶.

From the ramparts of Red Fort, Modi pronounced “panch prans” in the “Amrit Kaal of Independence”. Liberation from the colonial mindset is among them. Modi’s vision for cultural resurrection and revamp of civilizational ethos is part of this larger vision. Amalgamating the larger project of redevelopment of temples as a sure shot to accelerate religious tourism, the Modi government is adeptly creating a churn in the Indian society, that is levitating them to reclaim their identity.

Under the Parvatamala yojana, the Modi government has consolidated the temple revival plans with infrastructure development as in the case of Chardham connectivity projects. Unequivocally enunciating that, “pride in our heritage and all possible effort for development are the two major pillars for the developed India of the 21^st Century”, Modi on his recent visit to Badrinath and Kedarnath, to lay the foundation stone for the Kedarnath and Hemkund ropeway construction said, “the dilapidated condition of these shrines was a clear sign of the slavery mentality”⁷.

Modi’s energetic participation in deepotsav at Ayodhya, commemorating Deepavali is in sharp contrast to previous leaderships that shunned all kinds of religious and cultural symbolisms. The plethora of reclamation and redevelopment efforts are assuming enormous significance in terms of awakening the Sanatani cultural spirit crushed by centuries of invasions, slavery, and despotism. Analysts label this new shift in the course as “cultural nationalism”, in fact, this cultural resurrection has been a cornerstone of Modi’s diplomacy and outreach.

Invoking cultural, religious and historical connections and strengthening religious identity, Modi made temple darshans an integral part of his itinerary during State visits. His sojourns to Nepal, Sri Lanka on the eve of Buddha Jayanti celebrations, huge public addresses commemorating Diwali eve, and the unmissable interactions with the religious heads of various faiths during foreign visits, largely herald Modi’s sagacious wisdom of investing in India’s cultural heritage to resurrect its pride and identity. In the process, he aspires to inculcate a new spirit of respect towards Indian civilisation, infuse confidence and usher the nation towards self-reliance.

@ Copyrights reserved.

China is at the threshold of ushering into an era of Xi Jinping’s “cult leadership”

A major political event is about to unfold over the weekend. Interestingly, while the outcomes are more or less known to everybody, the way it is unraveling is spurring a lot of interest. A prelude of rare protests in China is setting the ground for the 20^th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) scheduled for 16^th October, Sunday. While there wasn’t any smidgeon of doubt about President Xi Jinping’s coronation for the third term rare protests quickly snuffed out of life had set a new tone for the historic event.

Banners reading, “No Covid test, we want to eat. No restrictions, we want freedom. No lies, we want dignity. No Cultural Revolution, we want reform. No leaders, we want votes. By not being slaves, we can be citizens”, appeared on a bridge in Beijing’s Haidian district. Video footage with slogans calling on residents to “go on strike at school and work, remove the dictator and national traitor Xi Jinping”¹, indicated the mood of the people.

The disappointment and discontent is palpable as nearly 200 million people or nearly every province in the country is under some form of restriction as part of China’s zero-tolerance approach towards Covid. For people who awaited some relief ahead of the Congress, the “draconian lockdown” has furthered whittled their hopes. The world has continued to learn with the virus but CCP’s portrayal of “Zero Covid” in controlling illness and deaths as success has plunged the country into unending episodic lockdowns.

With the party making chest-thumping assertions of national strength and drawing mileage from these ideological statements based on Covid zero, it is unlikely that CCP is ever going to shun this policy despite an alarming rise in unemployment, food shortages, high inflation and a massive slump in real estate. Uncertain and unrelenting lockdowns of cities even in case of a single infection are forcing companies to relocate to other countries. Even a weakening economy and its concomitant ripple effect on other developing countries which largely import commodities from China have failed to bring about any change in CCP’s “Zero Covid” policy.

Prior to these protests, the Indian Media was agog with reports of a PLA uprising upstaging President Xi in the last week of September. While any serious Chinese Observer conversant with the power hierarchy in China would have seriously dismissed this frivolous rumor-mongering, the animated discussions that dominated the Indian media only hinted at the brewing animus towards Xi in India. The news as it turned out has been the handiwork of journalists belonging to the Falun Gong sect was an attempt at churning conspiracy theories.

Though the decisions are taken ahead of the National Congress of CCP which is held every five years, the meetings are important as they formally announce the leader of the PRC.  The pyramidal CCP structure has ninety million members of the party are represented by nearly 3000 National Party Congress members who in turn chose 370 members of the Central Committee. This Central Committee is an integral part of the Central Military Commission (CMC) currently headed by Xi Jinping and oversees the functioning of the armed forces.

The next tier in the hierarchy is the 25-member Politburo or the political bureau comprising provincial leaders, military leaders and central party officials. From among these the elite group of seven Polit Buro Standing Committee (PBSC) is drawn that makes the crucial decisions. The head of the Standing Committee is the party general secretary. China terms this system of choosing leaders a “People democracy” which is further strangulated by Xi who micromanages the selection of individuals.

At every congress, a certain portion of these members retires owing to age limits (68 years) and other opaque reasons. In China, the party is supreme over the country and the PLA owes its allegiance to the party and acts at the behest and command of the party.

For the past 25 years, a new general secretary is appointed at every Congress. After the death of the founding leader and Chairman of the CCP in 1976, to end the norm of leadership for life and concentration of power in a single individual Deng Xiaoping who succeeded Mao instituted a two-term limit on the role of the President laying the foundation for a “collective leadership”. He opened the scope for reforms and institutionalisation. Subsequently, the successors- Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao subscribed to this orderly transition of power wherein political consensus thrived and helped in grooming the future leadership. Indeed, Xi Jinping’s ascent to power has been facilitated by this “peaceful transfer of power”.

In this quest for power, Xi subverted this generational leadership system through a constitutional amendment in 2018, that abolished the term limits for President. Subsequently, with Xi holding all three posts- General Secretary of CCP, President of PRC and Chairman of CMC, the decision-making has become over-centralised and unitary. Amassing power, Xi began to consolidate power through domestic surveillance, repressive nationalism, and corruption purges.

The nascent concept of G2, wherein China’s pursuit of seeking parity with the US reached its pinnacle under Xi’s regime marked the high point of his leadership. Xi’s decade long regime witnessed the rise of China as an economic superpower and his global connectivity, economic and development initiatives substantially enhanced Beijing’s economic and diplomatic clout. China evolved as the global export market hub. Xi Jinping successfully promoted the “China brand” and helmed a “Sino-Centric” global order also termed the Peking Order².

But this suffered a major setback with the Wuhan virus pandemic which exposed the shortcomings of the global order that Xi wanted to promote globally and thrust on the World. While China displayed a penchant for a leadership role in global affairs its lack of responsibility and accountability which led to the global spread of the Wuhan virus symbolized its absence of empathy.

Further, the flipside of the much-touted BRI, Xi’s brainchild exposed the imperialistic ambitions of China. Wolf-warrior diplomacy, and supply chain disruptions, seeded Chinese skepticism. Pertinently, the trust deficit abraded the blossoming Sino-transatlantic relations with European countries considering China as a “strategic challenge/threat”. Though China is not deemed a rival on the scale of Russia. But independent Indo-Pacific policies of various European countries demonstrate a systemic change toward China.

The pandemic outbreak and growing dependency on China prompted developed countries to decouple from China. Notwithstanding the pandemic disruptions China’s ambitious expansionism- annexation bids of Taiwan, and territorial incursions into India have further eroded the World’s trust in China’s rise.

Over the years, China accumulated economic clout for being the global manufacturing powerhouse. The comity of nations that depended on Chinese supplies suffered due to inconsistencies during the pandemic. Consequently, the Chinese leadership is considered more of a “disruptor” as opposed to a “developer”.

In the face of these insecurities and institutional criticisms, giving a major fillip to the “national rejuvenation” objective, Xi banked on his successes in quelling dissent in Tibet, and Xinjiang, and bolstered their acceptance through his visits. Through the implementation of National Security Law in Hongkong, Xi demonstrated the efficacy of “One country two systems” and earned a mandate to intensify his campaign for the annexation of Taiwan.

Though there is also an optimistic approval of Xi’s global ambitions among the domestic constituents in terms of building an alternative global order and multilateral institutions/ organisations, Xi’s legacy is now a mix of hits and misses. Amid domestic concoction of disenchantment that continued to grow with the ruthless crackdown on private enterprises and favouring SOEs (State Owned Enterprises) under the garb of “common prosperity” has now peaked owing to the burgeoning health surveillance that is impeding their daily lives.

Brought into power to clean rampant corruption, and dissent that undermined party legitimacy and factionalism in 2012, Xi cleaned the system and ended factionalism. In the process, he expanded the permanent national supervisory commission and used it as a twin measure of a sustained anti-graft campaign to enforce discipline and purge his political rivals.  Indeed, the indictment of Fu Zhenghua in September on charges of bribe just weeks before the 20^th Congress is yet another sanctified act of Xi’s political purge. Popular as “swatting the flies” and “taking out the tigers” as of April 2022, the discipline inspectors dealt with nearly 4.4 million involving 4.7 million people³. The scale of the campaign is unprecedented.

Given Xi’s role in cracking down on the Tiananmen Square protests, the princeling was precisely chosen for the top job by the party in 2012 to rid of corruption. Besides, delivering the job, and tightening his grip over the party, Xi through mass education campaigns and ideological indoctrination has ensured that the party DNA is firmly ingrained in the cadres. By disciplining the cadres, and careful selection of loyalists for key leadership positions, Xi has essentially made the party amenable to him. Wiping out all traces of opposition, Xi has steadily exerted its control over the party.

While Xi has managed his party successfully, the geopolitical tangles, economic slowdown, the brewing Sino-US animosities and Biden’s latest sanctions on China’s semiconductor industry are going to be a major challenge. China’s “no limits friendship” with Russia has added a new dimension to the West’s view of Beijing. The global outlook of China in the past decade has worsened. Aside from the complicated geopolitical changes, India’s adamant refusal to “business as usual” due to border disputes and America’s altered Taiwan policy in response to Beijing’s military showdown are going to pose additional tribulations for Xi.

Ahead of the Congress, the seventh plenum attended by 370 members of the Central Committee briefed on the party charter are believed to have consented to the continuation of the President at the helm of the affairs.

Clearly, there aren’t going to be any major surprises at the 20^th CCP Congress. China’s premier Li Keqiang is all set to retire in March 2023 and his replacement is all set to be announced at the Congress. With Xi set to remain in power for the next five years, he is expected to name a successor but as of now, Xi hasn’t groomed any successor. Hence it is likely that his successor would be announced at the 20^th Congress implying his continuation for a decade.

With Xi’s consolidation of power which is now a matter of formal announcement, China’s authoritarian regime will turn into a totalitarian, dictatorship. This will effectively put him on par with founding chairman Mao Zedong ushering China into a “cult leadership”.

@ Copyrights reserved.

Hatred for Hindus is Real. Targeted Attacks on Hindus in Leicester is a Proof of it.

The ongoing targeted attacks on Hindus have inexorably brought to light that Hindus, Hinduism and Hindutva are under attack globally. The “Dismantling Global Hindutva” conference held around the same time last year was just a trailblazer offering an insight into a teaser of the larger vicious campaign at work to tarnish and attack Hindus across the globe. The string of attacks on Hindus across different continents demonstrates that Hinduphobia is a global reality.

There has been a marked uptick in the rise of hate crimes against Hindus in the so-called pluralist societies in the recent past. Some of these are whitewashed under the larger banner of attacks on South Asians in general. But a close analysis of reports suggests that a vast majority of these victims are Hindus. Racist slurs like “dirty Hindu”, “disgusting dog” and a hate crime against four women in Texas recently present a true picture.

While similar violations of civil rights and the hurling of racist slurs against any other community would have created a stir, the ecosystem dons stoic silence when the persons at the receiving end are Hindus. Interestingly, this kind of ‘selectively’ has been exclusively reserved for Hindus, one of the few surviving indigenous populations.

A spurt of attacks on the temples in the US that intensified during the Black Lives Matter protests in the US and truckers protests in Canada have remained unabated. Last fortnight, BAPS Swami Narayana Mandir in Toronto was defaced.

A US-based scientific research organisation, Network Contagion Research Institute, which studies misinformation, deception manipulation, and hate across social media channels observed, that there has been a 1000 percent rise in anti-Hindu attacks and attacks on the members of the community. It added that “Hinduphobia is one of the most complicated hatreds… is now a dangerous hybridisation of hate against the community”¹. While the Liberal World and the pseudo seculars continue to deny the reality, from Canada to Chattogram, Hindus are facing an existential threat.

With the return of the Taliban regime, the last surviving generations of Sikhs were driven away from Afghanistan. The places of worship of the Indic religions were desecrated, vandalized and completely destroyed. But persecutions of Hindus or Sikhs hardly evoked any response. There wasn’t even a squeak of protest from the so-called saviours of human rights and paragons of religious freedom. Be it in India or anywhere else, the narrative is favourably disposed towards the Majoritarian religions.

Intriguingly, the liberal western World which formulates the global policies through its institutional dominance has a different yardstick for ancestral religious faiths. In India, they invoke a presumptuous majority-minority notion with a contrived premise that minorities are incapable of targeted violence towards the dominant majority. This indeed has been the basis for the UPA’s Communal Violence Bill.

If India and indigenous religions are to be judged by this majority-minority framework in other parts of the globe, Hindus being a global minority should be safeguarded from the discrimination of the majoritarian religions. But on the obverse, systemic Hinduphobia is on a rise. Rampant Hindu shaming and gaslighting have become the most sought-after academic exercise of Harvardian Leftist intellectuals.

To justify targeted attacks on Hindu Diaspora, the most successful micro minority, the leftists are redeploying the decades-old theories of their comrades attributing it to economic envy and income disparities. These ludicrous theories fail to address why Hindus in Pakistan and Bangladesh living in poverty are systematically persecuted. Clearly, the Hindus are targeted for their identity.

It would be churlish to believe that the success of Hindu society is generating resentment. The resentment is not of recent origin. For centuries, barbaric invaders raided Bharat, looted their treasures and most importantly completely destroyed founts of civilisational heritage, the temples. But a tribe of Marxist historians completely whitewashed all this wanton destruction and the nefarious plans for the extermination of indigenous civilisation post-independence.

In contemporary times, the invincible cabal of Marxist historians, pseudo seculars and Islamists, that dominate the media, academic organisations and policy-formulating institutions continue to rue that a threat to Hindus is a figment of imagination to lull the indigenous population into complacency. 

The organised attacks on Hindus in Leicester enliven the fears of a lurking genocidal threat to a micro minority in a pluralist country like the UK. As per the Twitter handle, INSIGHTUK2, the banter that began on the eve of the India-Pakistan match, turned religious owing to a deliberate communal twist given to it by a religious leader. This fake news has accentuated the tensions during the Ganesh Chathurthi celebrations. Soon, the religious leaders of both denominations appealed for peace. But some gangs continued to mark the houses of Hindus which soon proliferated into full-blown targeted attacks. Houses, cars and properties belonging to Hindus were vandalized. Children and women were held, hostage.

A misinformation campaign and its multi-fold amplification by the echo chambers have sparked communal tensions that were waiting to happen. A cricket match and a peaceful march of Hindus carried out to express solidarity for victims were just an excuse. The hooligans with Pakistani affiliation intolerant of an assertive Hindu community intimidated them by mobilising huge crowds. Muslims from nearby places occupied roads in Leicester, performed namaz and chanted “Allahu Akbar” slogans.

On September 17^th, the mobs swelled in numbers and in the full view of the police, they desecrated the Saffron flag and vandalised a temple. Even as Hindus bore the brunt of the Jihadi mob, a narrative was carefully crafted to portray Hindus as instigators despite the Police investigations giving a clean chit to Hindus. Indeed, the media echo chambers and the cabal defended the Muslim vandalization as a reaction to a peaceful march. They attribute the attacks to the mobilisation of Hindutva forces. By casting aspersions on Hindutva, the spin doctors have laid bare their sinister agenda.

Roiled by Hindu assertion, a partisan, politically driven movement was launched to redefine “Hindutva”. While maintaining Hinduism as a pacifist and accommodating religion, the provocateurs painted “global Hindutva” as radical, extremist and bigoted. Back in India, the epithet “Hindutva” is used with references to RSS and BJP acclaimed pro-Hindu right-wing organisations. Hindutva is Hindu tatva is no different from Hinduism and unlike the monopolist and fundamental Christian and Muslim ideologies, Hindutva is not extremist. But by drawing false equivalence, the cabal has attempted to paint Hindus as fascists akin to racists and supremacists. This alleged distortion and subtle demonisation of Hinduism has paved the way for creating a thrust for fuelling Hinduphobia eventually justifying hate crimes against Hindus.

By effectively delegitimising Hindus through the draconian portrayal of Hindutva, the cabal has effectively legitimised the targeted attacks on Hindus. Hindus underestimated the implications of “agenda-driven” which is similar to anti-Semitism. Indeed, the Islamists who mobbed the Hindus sheltered in Durga Bhawan of Birmingham deemed the Hindu protests as “Hindutva mobilisation”. Lending credence to these accusations, leftist media channels launched a tirade against Hindus even though observers on the ground reported no trace of Hindu nationalism.

In one of the viral videos, an Islamist threatened, “this is a message from Birmingham to the BJP and RSS Hindutva supporters. You are not welcome in Birmingham”². This protest of Islamists came in the wake of Sadhvi Ritambara’s event at the temple which was cancelled due to her ill health. Another Muslim fundamentalist Mohammed Hijab, who led targeted attacks on Jews previously warned, “If they (Hindus) believe in reincarnation, what a humiliation of them to be reincarnated into some pathetic, weak, cowardly people like that. Hindutva (Hindus), you are trying to act like gangster… Don’t ever come out like that again (referring to the protests by Hindus in Leicester). Do you understand? Are they going to come out again?”³.

It is truly rankling why Pakistan Muslims should threaten Hindus to behave in a certain way approved by them and how are they entitled to dictate to Hindus what to do. This intimidation has an eerie resemblance to the eviction of Kashmiri pandits from the valley. Making a shocking revelation Charlotte Littlewood, a research fellow in an interview with GB News revealed that “threatening messages from Islamists suggest they want to clean Hindus Leicester just like they did from Kashmir”⁴. Threatened Hindu families are now leaving Leicester.

Hindus make up 15% population of Leicester as against 18% of Muslims. Unfortunately, Hindus lack consolidated political support to defend and safeguard their interests making them vulnerable to threats. 

On the other hand, over the years a narrative was evolved where calling out the crimes of Muslims is automatically deemed as “Islamophobia”. This deeply entrenched discourse has shaped long-term policies in various countries. For the fear of being branded as “Islamophobe” or “conservative”, parties consciously pandered to the Muslims to win electoral contests. The burgeoning demography of Muslims across the globe has made it an electoral compulsion for some political parties to rally behind them. At the cost of being politically right, they have wilfully brushed the crimes of this particular community under the carpet.

With the ecosystem understandably, hand in glove with the Muslims, their surging demography will force political parties to tow their line. While the eventual decimation of the pluralistic society is imminent, a genocidal threat looms large for the Hindus who are despised by the Muslims.

Even as terrible violence is unleashed on Hindus in Leicester, there is no trace of denouncement by Indian political outfits. On the contrary, there is a race to absolve the Islamists of violence against Hindus. In a true allegiance to the global ummah, some Muslim political analysts and leaders offered a cover for the rampage by Muslim fundamentalists in Leicester.

Hinduphobia is real and global. Time Hindus shed complacency!!

@ Copyrights reserved.

 

PM Modi Advances India's Interests at Samarkand SCO Summit

As always, the prelude to the SCO meeting is dominated by popular debate about the relevance of SCO for India. Founded by Russia and China, labeled as an anti-Western front and coalition of authoritarian regimes, a section of strategic analysts rued India’s association with the SCO. Shrinking Moscow’s economic and political heft, the ascendancy of China, the deepening China-Pakistan nexus and Beijing’s plans of turning it into a China club have further sharpened this debate. India’s growing proximity to the West has further made this an oddity.

At a time when the world is grappling to recover from the Covid onslaught, the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian military confrontation has further derailed the path of recovery intensifying food and fuel security challenges. Against these widespread disappointments, India’s need-based intervention during the Covid gave it ample room for setting its economy right. Russia’s economy is reeling under the burden of wasted war and China’s zero covid policy has hemorrhaged its economy and frequent supply chain disruptions are forcing investors to exit. India’s resilient economy and independent foreign policy are now looked upon by the world.

Countries in the extended neighbourhood especially the Central Asian Republics (CARs) burdened by Chinese debts and domestic backlash against China are seeking to break free from the stranglehold of Russia and China and are placing bets on India. India’s resistance to Chinese aggression has further positioned India as a responsible power and bulwark of sorts against The Dragon.

As suggested by Harsh Pant, “India must make the most of its geopolitical sweet spot”, New Delhi is leaving no stone unturned to seize its right place across different multilateral platforms to advance its growth story¹. To prevent the Sino-Russo axis from becoming a fool-proof alliance and to manage ties with China from the inside rather than outside, India is actively engaged with SCO.

During his 24-hour-long engagement at SCO, PM Modi, refusing to be ensnared by China’s popular gambit, avoided any kind of brush with President Xi and even skipped the informal SCO heads of state dinner. Days before the SCO, China dangled carrots of minor disengagement at the PP15 anticipating India’s request for a dialogue with their leader at SCO. With Beijing firmly rejecting de-escalation at a major face-off in Depsang plains, Modi royally ignored China’s frivolous tactics and refused to play into Chinese hands. Similarly, Modi snubbed Pakistan for its blatant duplicity of continued cross-border provocation despite a ceasefire agreement. But held meetings with Russian President Vladimir Putin, Uzbekistan President Shevkat Mirziyoyev, Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi and Turkish President Erdogan.

Underscoring the centrality of Central Asian countries for SCO, Modi touched upon priority areas of bilateral cooperation, trade, economic cooperation and connectivity including the considered use of Chabahar Port and INSTC to unlock trade potential with the host Uzbekistan. This meeting is in a continuum of the first India-Central Asia summit in January, where both sides set a roadmap for connectivity².

But Modi’s opening remarks of “Today’s era is not of war..” ³ with Putin grabbed all the attention. Mischievously interpreted as a rebuke by Western analysts, Putin immediately acknowledged that he was aware of India’s position of diplomacy and dialogue and proposed visa-free tourist travel.

One of the main objectives of the establishment of SCO was to maintain stability and security of the vast Eurasian region and counteract the emerging challenges, promote trade and cultural and humanitarian cooperation. Among the core visions of SCO is to fight the three evils- extremism, terrorism, and separatism. But over a period of time, in line with China’s economic trajectory and BRI launch, the SCO shifted its attention to enhancing economic cooperation and promoting trade through improved connectivity.

The predecessor of SCO, “Shanghai Five” comprising China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan was formed in 1996 to deepen military trust along the border region. With the joining of Uzbekistan, this turned into SCO, (Shanghai Organisation Cooperation), a multilateral organisation in 2001. China and Russia vied to exercise their control as the organisation sought to expand, Russia backed Indian membership, while Beijing brought Pakistan into the group. Consequently, both New Delhi and Islamabad were granted observer status in 2005 and in 2017 and both of them became full-fledged members of SCO.

The 22nd SCO summit held at Uzbekistan’s cultural capital Samarkand was attended by all the eight full-fledged members- comprising four Central Asian Republics, China, Russia, India and Pakistan held on September 15-16 for the first in-person summit after three years. In addition, the Presidents of three Observer States- Iran, Belarus, Mongolia, guest countries- Turkey, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and International Organisations- Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO), Common Wealth of Independent States (CIS), Conference of Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia (CICA), Economic Cooperation Organisation (ECO), Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and UN also participated in the SCO. SCO held two sessions- restricted for full-fledged members and an extended session attended by all the invitees and the SCO Member States.

Covering a geographical expanse of 60% of Eurasia, representing 40 % of the world population and 30% of global GDP, SCO is the largest regional organization. In a massive boost to the expansion drive of SCO, Iran is going to be inducted as the ninth member officially in 2023. Full-fledged membership for Belarus and Mongolia is under process. SCO has now officially granted dialogue partner status to eight countries- Bahrain, UAE, Kuwait, Myanmar, Nepal, the Maldives, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt. With an appetite for expansion, the SCO has spread to South Asia and is set to encompass the West Asian region under its ambit promoting multipolarity.

While the reputation of the SCO Member States is subject to varied interpretations, in terms of economic and nuclear heft, this is one of the most influential groupings comprising four nuclear powers. But the presence of India in SCO has lent the group some credibility and transparency, whose principles align with India’s commitment to multipolarity. Through its multitudinous partnerships with countries belonging to varied blocs, India is now effectively serving as a bridge between various power centres.

Coinciding the SCO meeting, there was a spurt in border clashes between Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, and a major escalation between Armenia and Azerbaijan has underlined the tenuous peace and stability in the region. Armenia didn’t attend SCO due to a military confrontation with Azerbaijan. Representatives of the Tajik and Kyrgyzstan exchanged demarches over border clashes along the sidelines of the meeting. Tasked with maintaining Eurasian stability, SCO’s spirit has been put to a major test now. Putin has appealed for peace and pitched in to mediate the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict.

In the light of the Ukraine Crisis, SCO Member States reiterated their “commitment to a representative, just, democratic multipolar world order based on universally recognised principles of international law, multilateralism, equal, common, indivisible, comprehensive and sustainable security, multicultural and civilisational diversity, mutual benefit and equal cooperation with a central coordinating role for the UN”⁴.

Unlike the Western countries, the SCO countries effectively lack a common binding factor. To make for the lack of a pronounced congruence, the declaration effectively highlighted the concerns of most of the member countries. Unanimous exhortation of - “unilateral application of economic sanctions other than by the UNSC is inconsistent with the principles of international law and adversely affects third countries and international economic relations” reflect the same. Reiteration of, “the inadmissibility of interference in the internal affairs of States under the pretext of countering terrorism and extremism, as well as the inadmissibility of the use of terrorist, extremist and radical groups for selfish ends”, underscored Pakistan’s policy towards Afghanistan.

Unequivocally condemning, terrorism, countries called for a speedy settlement of the Afghanistan situation and the establishment of an inclusive government for strengthening the security and stability of the region. Uncertainty in Afghanistan has dire consequences for the region and India as well. With regional security an integral aspect of its existence, SCO is the most effective forum to address the Afghanistan issue. 

The Samarkand Declaration called for an outer space free of weapons, enforcement of nuclear disarmament, no global stockpiling of missiles and strict adherence to biological and chemical weapons treaty.

Evolving as a major group, SCO is now slowly building alternate organizations and mechanisms which include the SCO Economic Forum and SCO Economic Think Tanks, SCO Member States Techno Parks Pool, SCO Business Council, SCO Interbank Association, SCO Development Bank and the SCO Development Fund. In the process, SCO has adopted a roadmap for increasing the share of National Currencies in Mutual Settlements and called for its expansion as well.

Member States have resolved to cooperate in counter-terrorism, digital economy and digital technologies, international information security, energy cooperation, telemedicine, international road and rail administration, disaster management assistance, tracking down illicit drug trafficking, environment protection and sports. SCO has also charted out a roadmap for cooperation to control preventive and infectious diseases and epidemic threats and climate change. In all, 28 intergovernmental agreements were approved including those on plant quarantine, tourism and industrial cooperation⁵.

Fostering multi-faceted cooperation, the SCO Member States welcomed the “Samarkand Solidarity Initiative for Common Security and Prosperity” forwarded by the Uzbekistan President ensuring peace and stability and sustainable development.

At SCO, PM Modi underscored the need for developing reliable, resilient and diversified supply chains for the region, the need for better connectivity, and the importance of giving each other “full right to transit”. Denying transit access, Pakistan has blocked India’s connectivity to Afghanistan and Central Asia. He offered to share India’s experience of using technology for ‘people-centric development’ by establishing a Special Working Group on Start-ups and Innovation and a Special Working Group on Traditional Medicine with India as permanent chair⁶.

To address the challenging food security situation, Modi recommended the cultivation and consumption of Millets and proposed to conduct Millet Food Festival in the wake of the UN declaring 2023 as the ‘International Year of Millets’.

As the chair of the SCO Council of Heads of government in 2020, India organised the first ever digital Buddhist shared heritage exhibition, SCO Young Scientists Conclave, SCO Startups Forum, SCO MSME Forum, and translation of 10 books of regional literature into official languages of SCO- Chinese and Russian. India assumed the chairmanship of the Council of Regional Anti-terrorist Structure (SCO-RATS) in 2021.

With India set to assume the SCO chair for the year 2023, the task for New Delhi is cut out. Varanasi is nominated as the first ever SCO Tourism and cultural capital as per regulation adopted at the Dushanbe SCO Summit 2021 to promote tourism, cultural and humanitarian exchanges between India and SCO members. It underlines India’s ancient civilisational links with member states of SCO, especially CARs⁷.

Despite the global power play and the insidious Sino-Pak nexus always at work, there is a deep appreciation of what India brings to the table especially- values, ethos, leadership and economic advantages. Shedding the ideational trappings, India is leaping forward to forge new partnerships with various countries to emerge as a power of global relevance. India aspires to turn SCO into another stepping stone for its potential rise.

@ Copyrights reserved.

Decoding India's Multialignment

The Western strategic community still ensconced in the Cold war era, perceives the World in terms of the power “axis”. This deeply entrenched presumption had led to a dichotomy in their approach to foreign policy as well. Per them, there are two possibilities-“either you are with us or against us”. By far, this led to the expectation of undivided loyalty and reliance on alliances-based relationships. While this has been the integral feature of a bipolar world in the post world war II era, these ideas are no longer finding resonance with the developing countries.

The world has moved on refusing the classical way of earning support by claiming “entitlement”. The developing world, through trials and tribulations, has learned the hard way to wade through the geopolitical rivalries developing their own political institutions, organisations and through diligent bargaining seizing opportunities to secure their interests.

Since the Ukraine crisis and India’s refusal to tow the Western line, New Delhi has been at the receiving end for its neutral stance. In addition to the torment of being taunted for its stance at various strategic forums, now India’s abstentions on various resolutions and voting patterns post-Ukraine crisis are widely discussed.

Refusing to be drawn into any rhetoric, India has resolutely affirmed its positions- be it unequivocally condemning the civilian killings at Bucha or its concern for the safety of the nuclear plant in Zaporizhzhia, India has been quite vocal about the humanitarian crisis brewing in Ukraine and has rushed relief and medicines. At the same time, India refused to back moves to isolate Russia and expel it from the Human rights commission.

In light of these developments, India’s recent UN vote against Russia in favour of Zelensky’s virtual address to the UNSC was deemed an aberration. On the contrary, since Russia’s so-called “special operation” in Ukraine, India has consistently advocated and exhorted countries for “diplomacy and dialogue”. While India’s balanced approach has been misconstrued, India unflinching asserted its independent foreign policy decisions.

Unlike in 2018, when India stalled its oil imports from Iran in keeping with US sanctions, burdened with the task of post-pandemic economic recovery, India, an oil import-driven economy refused to succumb to the West’s sanction regime on Russia. With avenues for oil import from Iran and Venezuela, already shut, India routed its fuel supplies from Russia in keeping with the circumstances and interests.

Pursuing its interests, India deftly balanced its ties with the West welcoming an upgradation of Quad, strengthening I2U2 (India, Israel, UAE, US), the rollout of IPEF (India-Pacific Economic Forum) along with its sustained engagement with BRICS (Brazil India Russia China South Africa). Delivering a virtual address at the 7^th Eastern Economic Forum, Modi expressed interest to strengthen partnership with Russia on Arctic subjects¹.

Reflective of its wide-ranging relationships with multiple partners, India participated in Russian-led Vostok Army exercises recently along with China; but withdrew from Naval exercises in keeping with the sensibilities of Japan. Similarly, the Indian Air force contingent joined Australia-led Pitch Black along with 17 other Air forces, commenced JIMEX 22 with the Japanese Navy and concluded “Ex Vajra Prahar 2022” with US Special forces last month. Indeed, India’s special drill with the US Army, “Yudh Abhyas” close to LAC might coincide with India-led SCO-RATS (Regional-Anti Terrorist Structure) counterterror exercises next month. Heralding an independent foreign policy, India is balancing different blocs.

Unlike the great power conflicts of the Cold war period, when the third bloc of newly independent nations kept themselves away from both the powers, the developing countries, which were the third bloc countries of yesteryears, shedding diplomatic reticence are engaging with both groups. While the great powers are yet to come to terms with this change, which is evidenced by US’ disappointment over India’s participation in the Vostok exercises, India is actively exercising its strategic autonomy. Indeed, stumbling out this discomfiture perhaps has been the US decision of approving $450 million assistance to Pakistan for the F-16 sustainment program to meet counter-terrorism threats.

Defending India’s practice of strategic autonomy, at Bratislava, Slovakia Jaishankar has firmly reiterated, “I don’t accept that India has to join either the US axis or China axis. We are one-fifth of the World’s population, fifth or sixth largest economy in the world… we are entitled to weigh our own side”².

To achieve comprehensive security, which includes- energy, food, maritime and territorial security amid changing geopolitical realities refused to be lulled by idealism, Prime Minister Modi is steering India towards multi-alignment and his participation at SCO is just another dimension of India’s pragmatic foreign policy.

While India is the cornerstone of the West’s Indo-Pacific policy and the QUAD, New Delhi’s association with the SCO has lent credence to a group labelled as-Coalition of authoritarian regimes. To develop linkages with Central Asia, manage China and responsibly engage with countries that are beyond the western realm India is effectively diversifying its ties under the ambit of SCO.

In short, India is emerging as a “multilateral balancer”. With New Delhi set to assume the presidency of both SCO and G20, its real diplomatic acumen will be to a real test considering Western leaders’ plans to boycott Putin at the upcoming G20 summit.

The US would desire that India would subscribe to its sanctions regime and align its interests with American aspirations. India has certainly made its distinct choices and its assertions more or less are in line with doctrine predicated by S. Jaishankar in his book- The India Way, which says-“there will be convergence with many but congruence with none”. Consequently, a misguided interpretation of India’s aspirations leading to inconsiderate actions by the West besides damaging the pernicious stability can lend more strategic space to China in the sub-continent.

The world no longer believes in great power centres, instead, new strategic centres of power are steering the world towards plurilateralism anticipating result-oriented cooperation. Less structured groups with agenda-based cooperation are on the rise. With multipolarity an eventual reality, India is guided by the paradigm of- “reaching out in as many directions as possible and maximise its gains. This is not about greater ambition; it is also about not living in yesterday”.

@ Copyrights reserved.

India, Bharat and Pakistan: The Constitutional Journey of a Sandwiched Civilisation

The 21^st century Bharat has two unique facets to it. First, to its credit, Bharat has extraordinary acclaim for being the oldest thriving indigenous civilization. Second, after surviving the two waves of colonization- Middle Eastern and European, Bharat is still grappling with the third, the Marxist colonization. Incidentally, while another Asian giant, China continually brags of a “Century of Humiliation” and seeks to rejuvenate, centuries of colonization have mellowed down the indigeneity of Bharat. Coloniality, interminably, inextricably etched into the body politic of Bharat, has invariably brought it to a pass when a resurgence of Middle Eastern coloniality is beginning to bare its ugly fangs once again with religious issues dominating its realms.

Having introduced the concept of colonialism and its etymological sisters in his best-selling predecessor India That is Bharat: Coloniality, Civilisation and Constitution, J. Sai Deepak’s second book, in his trilogy titled- India, Bharat and Pakistan: The Constitutional Journey of A Sandwiched Civilisation, already topping the best-selling books chart delves on the influence of the expansionist colonialities- Middle Eastern and European on India from 1740 to 1924. Known for his extreme clarity, meticulous understanding and sharp articulation based on hard facts from original sources, the book written in exacting detail keeps the reader stirred up.

Encapsulating the foundational events that paved the formation of Pakistan, the book is divided into three sections in a chronological continuum. As opposed to the popular attribution of the partition of Bengal seeding the idea of Pakistan, the first chapter explores the role of a spurt of Islamic reformist movements in setting the stage for an idea of a special Islamic nation.

Ostensibly, distressed by the fall of the tottering Mughal Empire, Imams spearheaded Islamic revivalism movements. Tracing the decline of the Mughal rule to the corrosion of Islam, pioneering the reformation to its pristine form, Shah Waliullah Dehlawi exhorted Indian Muslims to see themselves as a part of the global ummah and his conception of Islam was- “The reason which prompted Allah to create the Islamic community originally was…, mainly a political one”. His teachings triggered later Islamic movements in Bharat invariably sowing the seeds for the creation of an Islamic nation.

Ingeminating –“jihad is the cornerstone of socio-political equilibrium” and through a fatwa declaring Bharat “Dar al Harb” or house of war, successive Islamic reformists systematically reignited the Middle Eastern Consciousness by eternalizing the long memory both temporal and territorial through their preachings and writings. What makes this section really interesting is the tact of Islamic reformists in mainstreaming this pervasive ideology by making society their stakeholder under different names and ingeniously escaping the seditious laws of the British. To the detriment of Indic consciousness, political Hinduism or Hindu nationalism still in its infancy had to contend with the vigorous and relentless Islamic revivalist movements that rekindled Middle Eastern consciousness that dominate the discourse as rejuvenating force even now.

Prominent among these movements was the Aligarh movement led by Sir Syed Ahmed. While Syed Ahmed is credited for the genesis of Pakistan, another Islamic ideologist, Jamal-al-Din al-Afghani advocating pan-Islamism laid the template for Khilafat and Pakistan movements. Deploying the western framework, favouring a covert jihad, and espousing collaboration between the Christian and Muslim communities, Syed Ahmed strived for Indian Muslim welfare. On the contrary, though Afghani supported Western Education he proposed that Indian Muslims performing hijrat should move to Pakistan, Dar-al-Islam and launch jihad against Bharat, Dar-al-Harb.

These two Islamic ideologists and reformists contributed to the simultaneous growth of Pan-Islamism and Muslim Nationalism. Aflush with these reformists while Indian Muslims had a blueprint and an operating module, the natives abjectly lacked any foresight for Bharat, the successor of Indic civilization.

The second section discusses the burgeoning Muslim consciousness culminating in the partition of Bengal in detail. Comprising three chapters spanning the events from 1899-1909, this section focuses on the colonial origins of the Indian National Congress, the existence of two wings of Congress- the Moderates and the Extremists, and the stark differences in their consciousness, goals and methods. Moderates/ Liberals subscribed to the method of petition and persuasion as opposed to the Passive resistance of Extremists. The different perspectives of these factions within the Congress, and their end goals aren’t strictly etched in stone. Labeled as staunch Nationalists, some leaders over course of time sublimely slid into the Moderate faction advocating a different approach altogether. 

Seldom dealt with in detail in history books, the reins to the Indian National Movement were held by the British who co-opted the moderate faction of the Congress that believed Bharat’s destiny to be tied with the British fortunes. Indeed, Subramanian Iyer spoke of making, “our beloved Aryavrata the beloved jewel of the imperial crown”.  

Cognizant of India’s enthusiasm to embrace Western education, the British cultivated the Hindu elites who fit the bill of- “Indians in blood and colour but English enough in taste, opinions in morals and in intellect” to neutralize the surging Nationalistic movement led by leaders with Indic consciousness and revolutionaries who accepted nothing less than “Swarajya”. The dominance of the severely colonized moderates, who moved away from the roots led to the promulgation of the Constitution which largely turned out to be a deracinated document.

Vivisection of Bengal is popularly ascribed to the British’s famed ‘Divide and Rule’. In reality, the British took advantage of the pre-existing religious, linguistic, civilizational and political divide to vivisect the region into a Hindu minority province to curtail the veritable surge nationalistic aspirations in Bengal. In response to the unprecedented backlash in the aftermath of the Bengal partition, the British brought out The Indian Councils Act 1909 terming it as a “safety valve”.

Not being grounded in ancestral theology and traditions Hindu elites having internalised the European education compromised on Indic consciousness and embraced secular values. This psychological and cultural colonisation hardly equipped them to deal with colonial establishments. As a result, the Indian National Congress, a hub of Hindu elites willingly genuflected to the British and even accommodated the Muslim interests.

In sharp contrast, prioritizing Muslim welfare, Muslim League persisted in their demand for demographic electorates and sought greater political representation through Simla Deputation. Succumbing to colonization while Hindu elites abandoned the learning of the Indian Knowledge Systems and moved away from their roots, the Muslims on the other hand strengthened their Old Islam.

The last section brings together all the aspects undergirding the pretentious “ganga jamuni tahzeeb” credited for the boom of the Khilafat movement, the annulment of the Bengal partition, the World War I, the flimsy courtship of the Indian National Congress and Muslim League, 1916 Lucknow Pact the Home Rule Movement, the rise of Gandhi as national leader, non-cooperation, Malegaon, Khorat, Gulbarga and Malabar riots.

Aside from the debates within the Congress over India’s support to the British during WWI, this section forms essential reading for comprehending the Muslim supremacism and Muslim exceptionalism that stoked the Muslim consciousness rooted in the Middle Eastern Coloniality. A surge of this consciousness and the driving force of pan-Islamism laid the foundation for the Khilafat Movement impelling the Indian Muslims to opportunistically woo Hindus and pressurize the British to preserve the authority of the Ottoman sultan.

The astute powerplay of Indian Muslims in the prelude to the Khilafat movement exposed their duplicitous transactionalism. Muslims demanded a communal electorate, and communal veto over religious issues and expected Hindus to accommodate their interests while they would barely nudge from their stated positions. Consequently, the precarious Hindu-Muslim unity thrived on the untenable unilateral sacrifices by the Hindus and their disavowal of customs, rituals and heroes. This of Hindu-Muslim solidarity ended with the stabilization of the Ottoman Empire stabilized.

In short, Muslims played every trick in their book to safeguard their interests and their astute prevarication vouches for the same. After Jazirut-al-Arab (Iran, Iraq, Palestine, Syria, Arabia were freed from non-Muslim interference, the Indian Muslims quickly shifted their loyalty to the British and proclaimed Muslim exceptionalism. Adducing the majority-minority divide, Muslims sought special treatment and requisitioned more than a proportionate political representation in the Imperial Council for being the former rulers of Bharat. Shifting their camps and allegiances with ease, unceremoniously parting ways with the Hindus, to contain the Hindu majority the Indian Muslims invoked the popular trope of “people of book” and an implicit brotherhood and pledged their loyalty to the British.

Unsurprisingly, the line of defense and unrepentant justification employed by the Muslim elite in the wake of the brutal and barbaric riots then was no different from so-called secular debates of the present times. The remorseless excuse of Ajmal Khan, the follower of Gandhi for Malabar riots was “stray incidents as acts of few misguided individuals and that the rest of the Moplahs are as ready and strong in condemning them. Still, I shouldn’t like the fair name of Islam to be tarnished in the slightest degree”. This is similar to the common lament routinely mouthed by liberals without batting an eyelid even now. The “continuity of thought”, long memory of their bygone superiority laced with ingrained pride embodied in the thought process of the Indian Muslims conspicuously contrasts the phenomenal careless abandon of the Hindu elite and their overenthusiasm to demonstrate secular bonafides.

The similarities and divergent approaches adopted by Muslim and Hindu elites back then are no different from the contemporary times. The endless parallels like- the marginalization of the voices that sought spiritual, cultural, and political decolonization by moderates and leftists during the national movement by branding them as “extremists” is a rampant practice now.  For centuries colonialists have employed a strategy/ software to subjugate colonies. Subjected to waves of colonization, the entrenched colonized Bharatiya minds helplessly succumbed to these tacts of colonialities.

Sai Deepak in his brilliantly researched book lays out bare the strategies employed by the Colonialists and the mind-boggling inability and guileless naivety of the Hindu elite in deciphering the colonialist strategies. He brings to bear his enviable experience in Constitutional Law in establishing with evidence, the template unleashed by Colonialities on Bharatiyas.

Replete with facts, mined from diverse sources, the book elucidates the extent of the inextricable colonization that inundated the mind gates of Bharatiyas. Akin to the Q&A session where Sai Deepak pointedly answers the questions and never wastes a word, his style of writing is an extension of his characteristic clarity and brevity. The rather pithy conclusions at the end of the chapters embody some critical observations that fire up the reader’s thought process. Extensive research and a humongous scale of research enrich the book. Embellished with excerpts from primary sources, the reader is bestowed with the luxury of making his own observations. Teeming with useful references often embedded within the body of the text, for important themes, this book can serve as a reference guide for any inquisitive reader and specifically for scholars on decolonization studies.

Supplementing his invigorating lectures with his books on colonization, Sai Deepak has implacably created a new churn in the psyche of receptive Bharatiyas. This book besides furthering the non-existent or rather fledgling decolonial studies in India will enkindle Bharatiyas living in a la la land who continue to deny even a smidgeon of threat to Indian civilisation from outside and within.   Towards the end of the book, any serious reader would feel betrayed and cheated by the successive Indian leaderships that ordained generations of Bharatiyas to study contorted whitewashed history. This is a must-read book for every Bharatiya who aspires to reignite and revive indigeneity.

India is going through a phase that portends the advent of another Khilafat movement (the author conjectured during the book launch). On the face of it, it might look like an overstretch but a deep dive into the book shall awaken Bharatiyas from a spectacular slumber induced by colonization.

 

Published by Bloomsbury India.

@ Copyrights reserved.

An Element of Trust and Concern can Take India-Bangladesh Ties to Next Level

The 7^th round of the India-Bangladesh Joint Consultative Commission (JCC) held in June has set the stage for Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s visit to India. To overcome the 21^st-century challenges both countries announced the expansion of the strategic partnership to forge cooperation in artificial intelligence, cybersecurity, startups and fintech besides jointly improving the infrastructure in railways, cross-border river management and conservation¹.

Ahead of PM Hasina’s visit, the 38^th Ministerial Level meetings of the Joint River Commission (JRC) which convened after 12 years finalized the text of an agreement for an interim sharing of Kushiyara River waters. India and Bangladesh share 54 rivers and JRC has identified seven rivers on a priority basis for water sharing². JRC has extended the period of flood data sharing agreement as well. These propitious beginnings paved the road for PM Hasina’s first state visit since the pandemic.

Bracing for fresh elections in 2023, the visit is extremely crucial for Hasina to showcase some tangible gains. Pivotal for the livelihoods of the people of West Bengal and Bangladesh PM Hasina, who is perceived as a pro-India leader by the opposition raised the Teesta waters issue. Pledging cooperation, India concluded the Kushiyara River water sharing agreement, the first in 25 years since the 1996 Ganga Water Treaty. With this pragmatic beginning, India demonstrated a political will to even finalise the Teesta waters as well. India requested Bangladesh to expedite a similar pact for the Feni River to cater to the drinking water requirements of Tripura.

Besides, prioritizing ties with Bangladesh under the “Neighbourhood Policy” Prime Minister Modi opened a new chapter by settling the 41-year-old Land Boundary Agreement and accepting the maritime arbitration that ruled in favour of Bangladesh. This marked a new watershed in India-Bangladesh relations. Reciprocating India’s outreach, PM Hasina acted on anti-India elements operating on its territory to cement the ties. Additionally burgeoning bilateral trade between both countries from $9 billion to $18 billion in the last five years infused new energy into the partnership.

Bangladesh is India’s largest trading partner in South Asia and is the fourth largest destination for Indian exports. India is Bangladesh’s second biggest trading partner.  In 2015, Bangladesh permitted the use of Chittagong and Mongla ports for the movement of goods to and from India. Additionally, the signing of an MoU in coastal shipping that reduced the shipping time from 30-40 days to 7-10 days, provided a fresh impetus to the bilateral trade³. India is using these ports to channel trade with Malaysia and Singapore.

Indeed, the rapid pace of infrastructural development is now having a force multiplier effect on bilateral trade and boosting India’s “Act East Policy”. Through three credit lines amounting to $8 billion, India has extended concessional credit to Bangladesh, the single largest for any country for infrastructure development. This in turn improved connectivity, facilitated trade and brought the North East region close to the mainland. India has requested Bangladesh to allow connectivity between West Bengal to Meghalaya via Mahendraganj (Bangladesh).  Indeed, of the proposed restoration of the six cross-border rails in 1965, three are operational as of now and the free trails on the new railways and inland waterways have been successfully completed.

Bangladesh party to the BBIN (Bangladesh Bhutan India Nepal), the sub-regional connectivity network, has expressed interest to join the India-Myanmar- Thailand trilateral highway through Tripura⁴. Integral to a raft of connectivity projects, Bangladesh is making gains in India’s efforts of linking North East India to the ASEAN region.  Additionally, the development of Land Customs Stations (LCS), Integrated Check Posts (ICP) and Border Haats, are playing a key role in streamlining the overland trade. Accelerated development of a panoply of connectivity initiatives besides revitalising the economy of Eastern India and Bangladesh is turning out to be a win-win situation for both countries.

Although Bangladesh isn’t heading Sri Lanka’s way, the pandemic, the Ukraine crisis and a dip in remittances have impacted its economy. Against the proclamations of forex reserves for five months imports, unusual power crisis and scheduled load shedding of 2 hours present a different story. In fact, Bangladesh’s formal request to IMF for $4.5 billion in assistance and limited access to data has raised speculations of a portending economic crisis⁵.

Bangladesh follows Pakistan’s model for the energy sector with nearly 85% of the electricity generated by burning fossil fuels-natural gas and liquid fuel. Ukraine Crisis has thrown the supply of these resources out of gear. As a development partner of Bangladesh, India has extended a concessional financing scheme to build thermal powered Maitree power plant at Khulna. PM Modi and PM Hasina unveiled Unit I of the power built with Indian Development Assistance and reviewed the progress of the 130-kilometre India-Bangladesh Friendship pipeline connecting Siliguri in West Bengal to Parbatipur in Bangladesh for the transport of energy supplies from Numaligarh refinery. Bolstering the energy partnership Bangladesh enlisted Indian Oil Corporation Ltd (IOCL) as G2G supplier of refined petroleum products⁶.  

In addition to existing India’s 1,160 MW of electricity supply to Bangladesh and 1500 MW more in pipeline⁷, Gautam Adani announced to commission of a 1.6-gigawatt thermal power plant facility in Jharkhand with a dedicated line for exporting electricity to Bangladesh. With a massive infrastructure push, India is spearheading its diplomatic outreach with Bangladesh.

Bangladesh will graduate to developing country status in 2026 after which Dhaka can no longer avail of the benefits of a Least Developed Country (LDC). Hence, Bangladesh is eager to enter a free trade agreement with India to reduce customs duties. To accelerate economic cooperation, countries have agreed to commence talks on Comprehensive Economic Partnership (CEPA) to liberalise norms and facilitate trade in goods, services and investments.  

Analysts speculated that China’s spectre could potentially affect the India-Bangladesh ties after Dhaka welcomed Chinese investments and became the second largest market of Chinese defence supplies after Pakistan. Though Bangladesh resisted Chinese attempts to join BRI, it welcomed Chinese companies. The economic crisis in Sri Lanka and investigations of a massive spurt in tax evasion and fraudulent business operations of Chinese companies in Bangladesh have alerted Dhaka of plausible fallouts of Chinese investments.

Denouncing China’s claims of associating the recently inaugurated Padma Bridge with BRI, Bangladesh foreign minister, Mustafa Kamal warned developing countries against China’s BRI lending. On the contrary, notwithstanding the anti-India rumblings of the Bangladesh commentariat, India gifted covid vaccines, medical supplies and ran oxygen trains during the pandemic and also recently evacuated Bangladeshi students trapped in Ukraine.

Given the geopolitical uncertainties, the developmental partnership offered by India is Bangladesh’s best bet and hence PM Hasina is pressing for negotiations on CEPA. Undoubtedly, the leaders of India and Bangladesh have ushered the bilateral partnership into a golden era through productive energy partnership, power cooperation, trade and economic ties. Aside from inaugurating Rupsha Bridge, leaders witnessed the exchange of 7 MoUs on science and technology, water resources, capacity building, railways and media⁸.

Highlighting India and Bangladesh share common values, PM Modi pronounced, “in order to keep the spirit of 1971 alive, it is necessary that we should confront the forces that hurt our common values” calling for a strengthening of counterterrorism cooperation and security cooperation.  Illegal infiltration, human trafficking, border crimes, cow smuggling emanating from skewed demography is emerging as a potential security threat along 4000 kilometres of the porous border. An official framework for addressing this menace aside from playing a major role in securing the borders can play a key role in maintaining the social harmony along the border regions.

The India-Bangladesh bilateral partnership is making headway in terms of trade, investments, economic cooperation and connectivity. But undying anti-India rumblings and the unrelenting wave of atrocities against Hindu minorities are slowly nibbling at the goodwill. Allaying this palpable distrust, the foreign secretary in a special media briefing stated that pursuant to continuous dialogue between the governments of India and Bangladesh, “the government of Bangladesh has .. publicly as well as in private discussions also (stated) that it is fully committed as far as the safety and security of minorities is concerned. It has given these assurances both publicly and privately in our talks”⁸.

Invariably, a robust developmental partnership with an immediate neighbour is important but the domestic concerns should also be addressed for a longstanding relationship built on pillars of goodwill and trust.

@ Copyrights reserved.