Across the globe the concept of self-determination has been a
basic tenet for formation of different countries. People of different
ethnicities have raced against time to establish their identities through
declaration of statehood and vowing allegiance to their lands. In this process
they defied all odds and tried to display patriotic fervor by fighting for the
cause of their identity by violent and peaceful ways as well. History is
replete of examples where new nations were carved by brute force or by peaceful
modes of secession. In contemporary times, referendum evolved as a peaceful,
legitimate process of consolidating people’s decision and forcing the polite
elite to relent to majoritarian aspirations.
Since 1945, thirty new states obtained independent statehood
following a referendum. The average time lag from referendum and Independence
Day was found to be 15 months.
Declaration of independence in most of the cases has become synonymous
to obtaining membership of UN and subsequent establishment of diplomatic ties
with comity of nations. But this accepted norm received a major jolt when 2008
Kosovo referendum received a mixed response. UNSC was divided with Serbia claiming
Kosovo as integral part of its sovereign territory. Burdened by dilemma UN referred
the issue to International Court of Justice which ruled that declaration of
independence of Kosovo “didn’t violate
any applicable rule of international law” in 2010. By 2013, Serbia and
Kosovo established normal relations after EU allowed both countries to become
members. Despite, this recent phenomenon, increasingly, ethnicities obstinate
on carving out new recognition for themselves have relied on referendum as
favored means of declaring independence. Notably, four referendums were held in
2014-Crimean, Donetsk and Lungansk, Scottish and Catalonian referendum. Of
which, Crimean and Donetsk, Catalonian were considered illegitimate. While
Scottish claims for parting ways with UK suffered a setback with majority
preferring to remain united.
Referendums of the recent past are plagued by claims of
illegitimacy due to political inflexibility of parent countries. Precisely, for
defying the Spanish government and Constitutional ban, the Catalonian
referendum for self-determination held by Catalan government on Oct 1st
is declared illegitimate. Far from reaching any consensus, the basic objective
of a referendum, the region has plunged into a crisis. Clearly, grievous
mishandling of the referendum has exacerbated the issue. Unlike the Iraq
government which allowed the Kurdish referendum on Sept 25th,
Spanish President Mariano Rajoy pledged to stop voting. He sent thousands of
police who man-handled the activists, used rubber bullets and confiscated
ballot boxes on the poll date. These repressive tactics characteristic of
authoritarian regimes strengthened the resolve of Catalans, irked elders and
other factions who were earlier indifferent to the idea of independence.
Widening chasms of Spanish and Catalans is not recent origin and
stretches back to 300 years. The current outburst of the separatist movement is
an outcome of centuries of oppression at the hands of Spanish government.
Catalan territory lost its autonomy after the Bourbon Kings of Spain captured
Barcelona in 1714. Catalan had unique cultural, linguistic, traditional
identity and markedly different from rest of the Spain. Further differential
economic growth widened the disparities. Catalan region was one of the most
economically advanced regions and flourished enormously by exporting goods to
former Spanish colonies- Puerto Rico, Philippines and Cuba till 1898 when Spain
had to cede these colonies to the US. Catalan businessmen lost their markets in
former Spanish Colonies. By 1899,
traders and the upper middle class began to support the fledging Catalan
national movement. Despite cultural differences, demand for autonomy received
massive boost only after economic interests of the region suffered. In 1917,
giving in to calls of autonomy, Santiago Alba declared Barcelona a free port.
Interestingly, voices for greater autonomy always co-existed with articulations
of solidarity favoring socialism (largely supported by working class) in
Catalan region. Catalan Republicans exiled in Havana wrote Project of
Constitution by 1928. In 1931 Republicans of various hues dethroned the
Monarchy of Bourbon Kings and the Nationalist forces finally managed to
negotiate autonomy in 1932 under the Second Republic. But eventually military
coup led by General Francisco Franco toppled the Republican government and restored
the unitary state model of administration in Spain.
Authoritarian Franco, ruthlessly demolished cultural identities of
Catalans widening the fissures between Madrid and Catalonia. Brutal repression
of Franco laid firm foundations for a strong nationalist movement. By
mid-1970’s protests by Catalans and Basque Country separatists intensified. In
1978, democracy was restored and self-government with some degree of autonomy
to all the 17 regions of Spain. Catalonia was angered as autonomy was granted
to regions that were not culturally and linguistically unique. Catalonia was
irrevocably miffed when Spain allowed Basque country and Navarre to collect
100% taxes and denied Catalonia of similar privilege.
In 2006 Catalans made a fervent push for greater autonomy whereby
Spanish Parliament and Catalonia referendum approved amendment of the Statute
of Autonomy of Catalonia 1979. Catalonia was subsequently referred as “nation”
in the preamble. The New statute bestowed special privileges wherein Catalonia
had organized political structure comprising of Parliament, President, and
Executive Council. Government of Catalonia had authority over education,
culture, taxation, transportation and had special agencies to control terrorism
and immigration. But things changed with Spanish President Rajoy referring this
issue to Constitutional Court which after four years of scrutiny claimed that
word ‘nation’ has no legal standing. In 2008, for the first time, Spanish
government released data on the fiscal contributions of all regions. The data
indicated that taxes collected in Catalonia region are invested in development
of other regions. Coincidentally,
economic recession badly affected the economy of Spain caused an alarming spike
in the unemployment in Catalonia. Spanish Court’s judgement of squashing
certain provisions of autonomy for Catalonia triggered a decision of holding
referendum on self-determination. President Mas Artur of Catalonia spearheaded
the nationalist movement. Protesting court’s ruling, nearly 1 million took to
streets in Barcelona and later they rejected austerity in 2010. With economy
still reeling under recession, Catalan government in 2012, requested Spain
seeking approval for collecting regional taxes (an arrangement in vogue on
Basque Country). But President Rajoy rejected the idea saying that it was “contrary to the Constitution”. President Mas called for snap elections to
seek support for independence. New Parliament dominated by pro-referendum
parties reached an agreement on conducting independence referendum and
forwarded the request to Spanish Parliament for consent. But Spain vetoed
referendum deal indicating that Constitution calls for holding referendums on
sovereignty nationally not regionally. In 2013, displaying a new resolve
towards independence Catalans formed a human chain covering 250 miles in
Catalonia. Despite constitutional ban, non-binding referendum was held in
November 2014. The turnout was 36% with 80.8% supporting independence.
Referendum issue created political instability prompting President
Mas to call for second snap elections. Internal rifts and tensions within
Catalan political parties intensified and no party obtained absolute majority.
After “rancorous infighting”, a new coalition of parties led by Carles
Puigdemont took over as the President in January 2016 and sought discussion on
referendum and 46 issues. But Rajoy who was re-elected to Parliament in October
2016 demanded “loyal cooperation” for negotiating issues related to Catalonia.
In the meanwhile, Spanish government announced €3.9 billion towards
infrastructure development in Catalonia this year but when the final budget was
rolled out it was much less. When the Catalan government questioned the reduced
investment, Spanish Finance Minister replied that the deficit amount will be
sanctioned in 2018. In May, President of Catalan Assembly was arrested for
allowing a Parliamentary debate on independence. Together, these simmering
discrepancies over the financial issues and reluctance to negotiate autonomy
culminated in protests across Catalonia. On September 6th Catalan Parliament
passed a law for referendum on secession from Spain and pronounced that
independence would be binding with a simple majority and doesn’t need a minimum
turnout. Next day, Constitutional court declared referendum illegitimate and
ordered use of force to prevent it. Despite use of force, referendum recorded
43% turnout of which 92% voted for independence. Catalan parliament invited
international observers for the polls but they declared it invalid, citing a
failure in meeting international requirements.
Catalonia culturally distinct from Spain, makes for 6% of the
territory and 16% of population (7.5 million). It accounts for a fifth of
economic output, one quarter of exports, half of start-up investments and home
to one third of Olympic medalists of Spain. It borders France on one side and
Mediterranean and has tremendous tourism
potential. Catalonia is vital for financial, economic, and political stability
of Spain. But, Rajoy, in a bid to quell rising tide of separatism in Catalonia
hastily used force and invited ire of Catalans.
Interestingly, though Catalans overwhelmingly voted for secession,
Puigdemont stopped short of declaring independence for various reasons. Catalan
political parties are ideologically divided and they critically lack a
commitment to establish an independent nation. They don’t have a clear and
coherent map for independence. Business class preferred to be part of Spain.
Moreover, EU unequivocally enunciated that independent Catalonia will lose its
membership and its re-entry would depend on the consent of all members
including Spain. Many observers, contend that an overwhelming yes is not truly
representative since undecided or disengaged voters stayed away from voting.
As of now a pall of disenchantment and mistrust looms over Spain
with the government and Catalans refusing to relent. Spain has revved up its
oppression, jailed Catalan separatists on charges of sedition. Spain had
earlier arrested leaders who mobilized pro-independence referendum in 2014.
Similar treatment might await the Catalan leaders who led referendum now.
Reminding Catalans of authoritarian Franco, Rajoy called for unveiling article
155 of constitution, that empowers Central government to suspend self-rule of
Catalonia and terminate the powers of all Catalan institutions including regional
Police. While Rajoy waits for the approval of parliament, Puigdemont asserted
that Catalan Parliament is in complete control of Catalonia’s finances and
broadcasting services. He lashed out at Spain for abusing the democratic
principles and rule of law. This confrontational approach escalated crisis
leaving little room for negotiations. Spillover effects of the referendum for
self-determination is already felt in parts of Europe with wealthy territories
of Italy Lombardy and Veneto voting for greater autonomy on Sunday. Separatists
in Flander’s region of Belgium, Transnistria of Moldova and France’s Corsica
are now active. With Spain threatening to sack top Catalan officials, people
are planning to launch massive civil disobedience movement.
Majorly, ethnicity (identity) issues, have been a formidable
trigger for claims to a specific territory. Additionally, economic (unequal
distribution of resources, poverty); political (grievances, institutional
representation) and structural factors (geography and demography) too spark
separatist movements. Interestingly while ethnicity is irreconcilable, other factors
can be addressed by making suitable amendments in the constitution. But countries necessarily refrain from
conceding ethnic groups claims for a territory for the fear of precedent-setting
wherein other groups might be encouraged to make similar claims. Spain perceived Catalans demand for
independence as a threat to its territorial integrity and ratcheted up
repressive measures. But use of brute force or authority bestowed by
constitution needlessly escalated the crisis. Rajoy would be doing Spain a
great service by embracing the concept of “functioning federalism” and by
bestowing greater autonomy to Catalonia.
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