Among a bevy of leaders who made a bee-line to India, the visit by UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson, the first European leader’s visit to India since the Ukraine crisis had grabbed a lot of attention. Johnson’s visit which materialised at the back of two previous postponements comes at a time when the British Prime Minister is facing terrible backlash over party gate. Even after paying hefty fine for Covid violations and an unreserved apology to the Parliament, the opposition is still gunning for his resignation. Similarly, his finance minister Rishi Sunak in addition to facing severe charges over Covid violations is mired in a tax conflict. Amid these domestic disasters, the UK Prime Minister embarked on a two-day visit to India to give a massive boost to British economy that exited EU, through an FTA with India and give additional push to the 10-year UK-India road map.
Owing to
their differing positions on Ukraine, while it is believed that a discussion on
Ukraine issue would log the bilateral talks, India incontrovertibly reinforced
her neutral stance. Earlier during the UK foreign secretary Elizabeth Truss
visit to India, EAM Jaishankar in a reply to a comment on India buying Russian
oil said, “when
oil prices go up, it’s natural for countries to look for good deals for their
people. Europe bought 15% more oil and gas from Russia than it did a month
before. Most of the major buyers of oil and gas from Russia are in Europe. We
get bulk of our energy supplies from the Middle East, about 7.5%-8% from the
US, may be less than a percent from Russia”1.
India’s affirmative statements and consistent pitch for “diplomacy and
dialogue” is now well recognised by the US and the European
countries.
Other than
the Ukraine issue, Truss who laid broad contours
for engagement participated in the inaugural edition of India-UK
Strategic Futures forum, a track 1.5 dialogue along with EAM Jaishankar. She
emphasised on reducing strategic dependence on Russia, security in Indo-Pacific
region, defence related trade, defence cooperation, deeper cyber security and
job creation.
Indeed,
putting rest to the speculations of contrasting positions of countries on
Ukraine casting a shadow on the bilateral engagement, addressing the Press,
Johnson said, “I
think you have to recognise that Indians and Narendra Modi in particular, came
out with a very strong language with what happened in Bucha. Talking to PM Modi
it is clear that he has already intervened several times with Putin. What
Indians want is peace in Ukraine and they want Russians out and I totally agree
with that. The Russia-India ties are historically well-known and they are not
going to change that”2.
UK advocated
for the most punitive sanctions against Russia and offered political, economic
and military support to Ukraine. Given its fiercest condemnation of Russia,
Johnson’s recent visit to Kyiv and the subsequent entry ban announcement by
Russia, his understanding of India’s strategic priorities is a welcome sign.
Putting the
differences behind, Johnson has prioritised the agenda of strengthening the
India-UK ties. The conclusion of the “Comprehensive Strategic Partnership” at the bilateral
virtual summit in May 2021, laid the road map for the India-UK relationship.
Underscoring its commitment to Indo-Pacific security and defence cooperation
Britain’ Carrier Strike Group HMS Queen Elizabeth deployed to the region, held
joint exercises with Indian Navy in Bay of Bengal in October 2021. India
is key strategic partner for the UK in the Indo-Pacific region and both have
signed Defence and International Security Partnership in 2015.
In November
2021, laying foundation for India-UK climate partnership, along the sidelines
of Glasgow COP26 summit, Prime Minister Modi and Prime Minister Boris Johnson
together unveiled the “One world, one sun, one grid” bringing together
International Solar Alliance and UK’s Green Grids Initiative. Both countries
have also unveiled "Infrastructure for Resilient Island States initiative".
Additionally ramping up climate cooperation, India has also signed up for the
Glasgow Breakthroughs and the Zero Electric Vehicles Declaration wherein UK has
committed to set up electric vehicle manufacturing hubs in India. To their
credit, both countries launched Climate Finance Leadership Initiative
Partnership in September 2021 to drive private, multilateral, and public
investments to India towards meeting the 2015 Paris Summit climate goals.
Climate and
renewable energy cooperation is now emerging as a promising arena of
partnership between two countries. Under the aegis of the India-UK Science and
Innovation Partnership on Green Hydrogen and joint work on Green Hydrogen Hub,
countries are deepening cooperation in development of affordable green oxygen.
Aside the climate action proposition, geopolitical hostilities are posing a
major challenge to a reliable supply of fossil fuels. Energy exporters are now
exploring various ways to become independent.
Focussed on
economic recovery, building on the positive momentum generated in the aftermath
of the virtual summit, on the eve of 75 years of establishment of diplomatic
ties and India’s independence, both leaders intensified the full spectrum of
bilateral relations. Seeking investment opportunities and huge market,
post-Brexit Britain launched Enhanced Trade Partnership (ETP) in principle in
July 2021. For long, EU’s complexities have hindered the trade
negotiations and FTAs. Since its exit from the Union, Britain has signed FTAs
with Australia and New Zealand and intensified negotiations with US and the
Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans Pacific partnership (CPTPP)
nations.
India which
has signed interim trade deals with UAE and Australia is now keen on wrapping
up similar agreement with Britain. In January Britain and India initiated
negotiations for FTA. After the end of two rounds of talks, countries have
completed four out of 26 chapters and made progress on the 22 chapters3.
Arriving in
Ahmedabad underlining the successful collaboration between the GIFT City
(Gujarat International Financial Service Centre) and UK’s financial services
ecosystem, Johnson announced the deadline for conclusion of FTA by Diwali
at the Press meet. Building on the climate partnership, UK has committed to
finance to a tune of $1 billion towards India’s climate programs. Additionally,
both countries finalised the India-UK Global Innovation Partnership (GIP)
wherein countries will co-finance $100 million to support transfer and scaleup
of climate-smart inclusive innovations from India to third countries in Asia,
Africa and Indo-Pacific4.
UK’s intransigent
approach towards Migration and mobility in the past effectively derailed trade
negotiations between both countries. UK has now agreed to streamline the
process and both leaders have reviewed the progress of India-UK comprehensive
Migration and Mobility Partnership (MMP). But unfortunately, despite India’s
repeated requests, UK continues to be unresponsive to the grave issue of
extradition of economic fugitives.
To position
UK as a serious global player post Brexit, Britain announced its Indo-Pacific
tilt through a government policy paper “Global Britain in a Competitive Age: Integrated Review of
Security, Defence, Development and Foreign Policy”5.
The paper rightly identified Indo-Pacific as region of “world’s
growth engine” and “centre of intensifying geopolitical competition”
capable of addressing the economic and security concerns and advocated for
a long term, closer and deeper bilateral and multilateral partnerships. Indeed,
months after the Britain’s Indo-Pacific policy review, India and UK have elevated
ties to Comprehensive Strategic Partnership and UK has sealed the security
agreement, AUKUS with the US and Australia.
In line with
the common belief in the rules-based international system and freedom of
navigation for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific, India and UK have reiterated their
commitment to transform defence and security as another pillar of strategic
partnership. UK joined India’s Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI) that seeks
to promote regional coordination and cooperation for securing and protecting
the Indo-Pacific region.
Deepening
maritime cooperation, security forces of both countries jointly conducted
trilateral defence exercises and included UK’s Liaison Officer in India’s
Information Fusion Centre. To enhance cooperation in maritime domain countries
are seeking early conclusion of Maritime Information Exchange Arrangement on
dark and grey shipping.
To promote
defence cooperation, countries have agreed to jointly research, co-design,
co-develop and jointly produce defence technology systems in key and emerging
military technologies and establish India-UK Electric Propulsion Capability
Partnership.
To wean away
India from Russia, UK will now partner under Make in India program for
robust defence manufacturing of defence equipment, spares, systems through
technology transfer, co-development and indigenisation. UK announced ‘open
general export license’ to facilitate technology engagement and offered
strategic collaboration in Modern Fighter Aircraft, Jet Engine Advanced Core
Technology and naval ship building programs. Interestingly, even US has offered
to collaborate with India on defence production to reduce New Delhi’s
dependence on Russia. But, thus far, the DTTI (Defence Technology and Trade
Initiative) hardly made any progress.
Discussing
various regional and global issues, leaders strongly condemned terrorism and
agreed to constitute a sub-group under the existing Joint Working Group in
Countering Terrorism (JWG-CT) to enhance information and intelligence sharing.
Strategic
congruencies and mutual interests are dominating the diplomatic partnerships.
India and UK are uniquely poised in terms of convergence of strategic interests
which includes a belief in rules-based international order, upholding the
democratic values and defending openness. Reiterating these common interests
and denouncing the “authoritarian regimes” and their blatant violation of
the rules, Johnson applauded Indian democracy.
Extolling the
highly successful collaboration between Astra Zeneca and Serum Institute of
India, both countries rolled out ambitious plans to develop complete set of
diagnostics and vaccines under the framework of the Coalition for Epidemic
Preparedness Innovations (CEPI) initiative. In the 21st century, the
threat to strategic assets and national security from cyberattacks has become
ominous. To increase mutual cyber resilience against pernicious cyber
activities, countries forged an Enhanced Cyber Security Partnership6.
Leaders witnessed the exchange of MoUs on implementation of global innovation
partnership and nuclear energy partnership7.
Both Modi and
Johnson have been upbeat about a prospective partnership between two countries
encompassing several arenas. Aside the colonial legacy, India-UK relations
plagued by several contentious issues has never been pragmatic. With an
implicit pro-Pakistan tilt by raking up the Kashmir issue for domestic
mileage, intervening in India's domestic issues, sheltering the Khalistani
separatists, UK has been inimical to Indian interests. Spurred by the need to
revitalise its economy and reassert its position as a global player
post-Brexit, UK began to realise the geopolitical salience of a rising India.
India’s democratic credentials, economic potential for investment and trade and
its role as security provider in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) prompted an
urgent realistic analysis after Sino-British relations headed south.
A
self-assured India on its end is intent on partnering with the UK, a
global financial hub, innovation centre, a P5 member with naval facilities in
Oman, Singapore, Kenya, Bahrain and British Indian Ocean territory for a
promising and pragmatic partnership. Keeping aside niggling irritants that
continue to abrade the relations occasionally, both the leaders have initiated
a new conversation and attempted to infuse a missing element of ‘trust’ in the
relationship. Hope this marks a new beginning for a partnership that
offers solutions to the challenges of 21st century.
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