America’s withdrawal from Afghanistan has created a geo-political vacuum. It has opened up an arena for the regional powers to manage the scenario of post-American retreat. Cognizant of the implications and the regional powers have girded up loins through proactive engagement with Afghan Taliban which claims to be in control of 85% of the territory.
Russian ambassador rightly pointed
that the civil war in Afghanistan has been reason behind formation of SCO, “One
should not forget that the SCO emerged as a response to immediate threats of
terrorism and drug trafficking, which came from Afghanistan in the late 1990s.
The SCO idea was born from a collective demand for a regional coalition to
combat them”
It is a
bizarre irony to even believe that China wouldn’t interfere, given the
political influence it wields over political regimes in the region.
Indubitably, at a time when China is no longer hiding its global ambitions, Beijing
is engaging with both Taliban and the Afghan government to secure their support
for CPEC and rope in the country officially into BRI for seamless transport of
goods to Eurasia.
China has a
three-pronged approach for Afghanistan- backchannel communication through
Pakistan, SCO platform and positioning as mediator (hosting Taliban, Heart of
Asia Summit and holding Intra-Afghan talks).
Cognisant of
Taliban’s close links with ETIM (East Turkestan Islamic Movement), China
initially supported UN’s sanctions on the group. But driven by economic factors and security
concerns, when Taliban took to reigns, China forged ties with the terrorist
group despite its perceived threat from Islamic extremism. To foster economic
ties, in 1999 Chinese officials flew to Afghanistan to secure meeting with
Mullah Omar; started flights between Kabul and Urumqi and forged economic ties.
In 2000,
China’s ambassador to Pakistan Liu extracted assurances from Mullah Omar to not
allow anyone to use its territory for any anti-Chinese activity. In return Omar
demanded two things from China-formal recognition and protection against
sanctions. But the deal failed. While Omar restrained ETIM, he failed to expel
them and China in turn didn’t oppose sanctions at UN but abstained from voting.
Neither of the parties fulfilled their promises.
Indeed, on
September 11th 2001, China and Taliban signed MoU to enhance
economic ties. Things changed after the 9/11 event China supported US’s war on
terror and Taliban and its ties took a back seat. However, China managed to
obtained concessions from Taliban to disallow any attacks on its investments in
Afghanistan.
Pakistan and
China were the only two countries that maintained ties with Taliban after 9/11.
Reportedly, Beijing held meetings with this group at Chinese controlled Saindak
mikes in Pakistan. After Obama administration announced
plans of withdrawing in 2014, China increased involvement in Afghanistan.
China
conducted Heart of Asia summit at Beijing in 2014, supported the Pakistan
hosted Murree talks for Afghan reconciliation and a political settlement
through the Quadrilateral Coordination Group with US, Pakistan, Afghanistan.
Took part in Kabul process convened by Ghani in 2017, talks at Moscow in 2018
and hosted a trilateral dialogue with Afghanistan and Pakistan in September
2019. Xi resuscitated Afghanistan Contact Group of SCO. In 2019, China hosted
Mullah Abdul Baradar and conducted intra-Afghan talks in 2020.
At the
trilateral of the foreign ministers in 2019, countries agreed to extend the
China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) into Afghanistan by connecting Peshawar
with Kabul. Unlike other countries, China has hedged its bets on major
stakeholders of Afghanistan- Taliban (its covert masters Pakistan) and Afghan
government. In the pursuit of economic opportunities, exploration of natural
resources and military support, President Ashraf Ghani started wooing China.
But with US forces still stationed in the country, Ghani refrained from
officially acceding to any framework.
China enjoys
greater advantage than the West in terms of general acceptance by Afghans as
such. West is considered an adversary, whereas China is still coveted as power
capable of playing a significant role in peace talks and mediation. But the
deep Sino-Pakistan relations cast an aspersion on China’s real intentions. China’s
overemphasis on Pakistan is objected by anti-Pakistan forces and Afghan
government.
Taliban also
considers China as a crucial source of investment and economic support. In
fact, in 2007, Beijing managed to potentially secure a lucrative concession
from Taliban to prevent any attacks on its projects which included Aynak copper
mine. Taliban’s support is crucial for the vast number of projects operating
under CPEC and for any fresh strategic investments in the country. But the
continued violence and Taliban’s links with ETIM are still a cause of concern
for China.
To assuage
the concerns of China, Taliban spokesperson Suhail Shaheen announced, “we
care about the oppression of Muslims, be it in Palestine, in Myanmar, or in
China, and we care about the oppression of non-Muslims anywhere in the World.
But what we are not going to do is interfere in China’s internal affairs”,
thus staying clear of the raging Uighur human rights debate. Eager to seek
China’s acquiescence to their rule, Taliban is striking a fine line of
maintaining the balance between its commitment to Islamic ideology and the
political ambitions.
Last year it
pledged to not to let Afghan territory to be used for terror activities against
any country including China. These fresh guarantees reminiscent of the past
assurances in 2001 has laid foundation for China’s first major public
engagement with Taliban.
Days after
US abandoned Bagram airbase, Taliban’s resumed brutal killings and medieval
Sharia practices made a comeback. Against Taliban’s famed record of reneging on
promises, arguing, “making enemy of the Taliban was not in China’s interest”
Beijing welcomed Taliban delegation at Tianjin. This engagement is an extension
of a meeting between foreign ministers of Pakistan and China on June 24 who
vowed to “bring Taliban to the mainstream”.
Reiterating
China’s stance, The Global Times, the CCP mouthpiece described Taliban as “an
important militant and political force”. By bestowing
legitimacy to a terrorist group and lending acceptability, China typically
bolstered the popular perception of inexorably siding with terror perpetrators
and patronisers to secure its interests.
For decades,
China shielded Pakistan from international censure for its terror activities,
UN sanctions against its terror organisations and prevented it from getting
black listed by FATF. By extending
similar concessions and paybacks in lieu of reining on ETIM and attacks against
its interests in Afghanistan, Beijing meant business. Even as it continues to
defend the internment of over 1.5 million Uighurs over terror threats, it
refuses to acknowledge the implications of mainstreaming a terror outfit.
By
acknowledging the terror outfit as stakeholders in Afghan peace, China has
emboldened the terror organisations across the World, who would now brazenly
continue to unleash their brutality to leverage a Faustian bargain. US lend
credibility by striking peace deal with Taliban and failing to inflict any
punishment for breaking it. China is taking to the next level to secure its
interests.
Taliban
pledged to realise peace, protect human rights and interests of women and
children in China. But on ground realities are in sharp contrast to the
affirmations of Taliban. For China, denial of Uighur sanctuaries in Afghanistan
is precondition for engagement with Taliban. Reiterating Beijing’s concerns
Wang Yi said, “ETIM is an international terrorist organisation listed by the
UNSC which poses a direct threat to China’s national security and territorial
integrity. Cracking down on ETIM is the shared responsibility of the
international community”.
Beijing exhorts
that restraining ETIM is shared responsibility of international community. But
fails to extend similar courtesy to India which has at the receiving end of
Pakistan’s cross border terror and wary of resurgence of Taliban, which can
turn Afghanistan into a breeding zone of terror outfits.
ETIM and its
successor Turkestan Islamic Party (TIP) has close connections with Osama bin
Laden dating back to 2001. While a majority of Uighur militants have moved to
Syria a recent UNSC report claims that around 500 of them are operating in the
Badakshan province. With the evacuation of foreign troops from Afghanistan, the
Uighur militants are planning to return to Afghanistan from Syria.
Wakhan
corridor in Badakshan province of Afghanistan which is taken over by Taliban shares
a 76km porous border with China opens into Xinjiang province. Re-emergence of
Taliban has stirred concerns in China of a plausible infiltration of Uighur
seperatists advocating for an independent East Turkestan (Xinjiang). Beijing
has beefed up security at the Wakhan border, Afghan-Tajik post, Pakistan
administered Kashmir deploying its personnel to forestall any infiltration.
China which
has always condoned terror is beset by a strange paradox. Beijing finds a huge
scope for expansion in the aftermath of huge void left by American withdrawal
in the region. By virtue of iron clad friendship with masters of Taliban and
massive economic investments across entire Central Asia, China emerged as the
dominant power in the region. By virtue of its burgeoning clout, China seeks to
penetrate Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia.
Terror
attacks in Pakistan increased in the aftermath of Taliban resurgence. Nine
Chinese dam engineered were killed in a terror attack in North Pakistan and a
Chinese citizen was shot in Karachi recently.
These attacks have sparked concerns of safety and security of Chinese
personnel and investments in the region.
Though
Taliban has pledged to severe ties with other terror outfits, latest UN report
and the aggressive offensive indicates otherwise. 12 designated terror outfits
are reported to have joined Taliban war -LeT, JeM, Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan,
Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Jamaat-ul-Arhar, Lashkar-e-Islam, and Al-Badr were spotted
to be fighting alongside Taliban which is in gross violation of 2020 peace
treaty.
For decades,
China has tamed the mothership of terror, Pakistan for its strategic ambitions.
With Taliban-dominated Afghanistan a plausible reality, China dangled carrots
to woo it. Tensions due to terrorism would continue to exist. Given the decades
of all-weather friendship, Beijing is hopeful of managing the Taliban. But
Taliban is not Pakistan and a lot depends on whether Taliban could wrest its
control over entire Afghanistan.
Amid China’s
overt Taliban outreach, critics lament India has lost Afghanistan. On the
contrary, over the past two decades, India has implemented developmental and
capacity building projects in 34 provinces of Afghanistan and its nimble-footed
efforts in Afghan rebuilding are well received. Aside the massive connectivity
exercise through Chahbahar, India recently signed a MoU with Afghanistan for
Shahtoot dam construction and called for a quadrilateral working group on the
use of Chahbahar port with Uzbekistan, Iran and Afghanistan. Ramping up parleys
with regional partners, India is in regular touch with all stakeholders of
Afghanistan.
Given
Taliban’s gains, strategists are predicting the fall of Afghanistan. But all is
not over yet until everything is over. The game is still on.
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