Unlike Hu’s regime, Xi’s tenure is marked by slowing growth
and brewing geopolitical tensions. The impact of slow economic growth,
crippling restrictions on internet and free speech are making people restive.
Xi strategically diverted public attention from economic slowdown by setting
out a new vision of “resurrecting”
and “reinvigorating” Chinese power
under the neologism of “Chinese dream”.
Months after assuming charge, Xi stressed on the need for patriotic education
and establishment of think tanks to strengthen Chinese narrative with a renewed
emphasis on Chinese victimization. Armed with twin strategies of instilling the
paradigm of “without party there will be
no New China” and reinforcing tighter controls on internet, Xi has adopted
an assertive foreign policy. Setting the tone for his foreign policy, in his
inaugural address stated that “no country
should expect us to make a deal on our core interests and no country should
expect us to swallow the bitter fruit that undermines our sovereignty, security
and developmental interests”.
Gradually through provocative intimidation, challenging the
status quo of the Asia-Pacific region and anomalous island building in the
South China Sea, China brazenly contravened “Peaceful rise” strategy developed in 2003 by Zheng Bijian, a policy
advisor. Hu, reframed the policy as “peace
development” to reassure other countries of China’s ascendance. In a marked
departure from “hiding one’s capabilities and biding time” (taoguang yuanghui) China is employing
strategic and economic clout to advance its interests in the region. Xi powered
this new approach by unveiling One Belt One Road (OBOR) and engaged with over
65 countries under the banner of promoting interconnectivity through
infrastructure development. To challenge the Western hegemony and power his
global ambitions, China established alternative multilateral financial
institutes- Silk Road Infrastructure Fund, AIIB (Asia Infrastructure Investment
Bank) and NDB (New Development Bank). With a promise of accelerating economic
development through extended connectivity networks, China reached out to
authoritarian regimes, strategically located, resource-rich small economies to
promote OBOR. Through OBOR, believed to be several times America’s Marshall
Plan (for rebuilding Europe after World War II), Xi aspired to replace America
in the international order. As of now, OBOR, earned dubious acclaim as
harbinger of “Debt trap diplomacy” claiming its first victim Sri Lanka. Colombo
si reeling under debts for investing in economically unviable infrastructure
projects.
Xi accelerated pace of military modernization. He emphasized
that China’s peaceful development will help in reclaiming its legitimate place
and restrain regional countries from violating China’s interests in SCS. Under
the umbrage of this perception, Xi began to encroach territorial features
through land reclamation in SCS aggressively. Later Xi, subjectively changed
the narrative of peaceful development with a precondition that “not only should China adhere to peaceful
development road; but other countries must also commit themselves to peaceful
development road”. Soon Beijing adopted an uncompromising stance on
territorial disputes and established East China Air Defense Identification Zone
(ADIZ). Proactive Xi, unlike his predecessors took an initiative to define
bilateral relationship with America under the ‘new type of great power relationship’. Xi followed the ‘community under common destination’
approach advocated by Hu and fostered relations with Asian countries. Beneath
the façade of the attractive slogans, overpowered by dream of Chinese
rejuvenation, Beijing turned intensely belligerent. Xi refused to respect
international rules and ruthlessly dismissed the Permanent Court of Arbitration
(PAC) verdict with respect to Chinese claims in SCS. China began to intrude
into the territorial waters of Japan, intimidate Vietnam, threaten Filipino men
from fishing in their territorial waters. Through trade sanctions it punished
South Korea for installing THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Air Defence), imposed
high tariffs on Mongolia and stalled plans of mega loan offer for hosting the
Dalai Lama. Post Crimean annexation, when Russian economy crippled under the
burden of West’s economic sanctions, China inked a $400 billion energy
agreement and became its largest trade partner. As of now, China and Russia
overriding historical rifts are trying to build solidarity through frequent
high-level visits, joint military drills and collaborating on Afghan issue.
Though trade agreement hasn’t cemented the relations which are by far more
complicated to analyze, Russia and China are jointly challenging the retreating
Western hegemony.
Xi’s superfluous, dubious investments in South East Asian
countries symptomatic of its coercive diplomacy is having a devastating effect
on the solidarity of ASEAN, which emerged as a economic bulwark to stand up to
China. Philippines which dragged China for laying claims to its Scarborough
Island in 2012, has now changed its stance. President Duterte, has now meekly
surrendered to China and even downplaying reports of creeping invasion of Sandy
Cay (feature) close to Thitu Island. Simultaneously Xi is arming Taiwan,
pressuring Latin American countries to severe their ties with Taipei. China
rewarded Panama and reciprocated with trade agreement and investments for
disengaging with Taiwan. Xi adamantly reneged on the promise of “One Country
two systems” and crushed pro-democratic protests with iron hand in Hongkong.
Now Xi had embarked on the mission of rewriting Korean history insisting that
Korea was part of China. The overarching global ambitions of Xi might sooner
than later can backfire on China.
In the meanwhile, Xi is capitalizing on the years of
cumulative American neglect towards South East Asia dating back to fag end of
President Obama tenure till now. The retreating American power has emboldened
Xi whose coercive diplomacy is disrupting regional stability. Trump’s indifference
has forced South East Asian nations to increasingly turn to China. Having
coerced other neighbors into abject silence, Xi has is now threatening India
which refused to tow in line with Middle Kingdom. China has effectively brought
all South Asian neighbors of India except Bhutan into its orbit. India with is
huge demographic appeal, rising middle class and huge market potential is now a
potential competitor for China. Beijing perceives Indian rise inimical to
China’s Asian Dream. Over the years, unresolved border disputes strained
Indo-Chinese ties. China’s refusal perpetuated to accept the Mac Mohan line,
its claims to Arunachal Pradesh and India providing asylum to the Dalai Lama
& thousands of his followers post Tibetan annexation perpetuated the
hostilities. After 1962 Indo-China war, in 1979, India re-commenced bilateral
relations with China and initiated talks on border disputes in 1981, the
regular leadership dialogue which began in 1988 has been a turning point. Since
1962 Chinese troops continued to transgress into Indian territories but with
initiation of contacts in 1992 transgressions were peacefully managed. Though India and China jointly defended
interests of emerging economies at various multilateral fora, dissonances and
negativities continued to escalate. Despite continually benefitting from
expanding trade imbalances with India, China continues to back Pakistan on
terrorism and bolsters it nuclear capabilities. Xi has been stalling India’s
entry into nuclear regime NSG (Nuclear Suppliers Group), providing safe havens
to militants from north east, controlling water flows into India and vetoed
Indian efforts at UN for imposing sanctions on Masood Azhar. Above all, Xi
frenetically intensified encircling of India by expediting development of
Strings of Pearls in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR).
China’s renewed enmity towards India currently stems from
India’s refusal to be part of the BRI (Belt Road Initiative), Delhi’s growing
closeness with US and for allowing the Dalai Lama to visit Arunachal Pradesh.
Xi always had tough stance towards Tibet and Dalai Lama. As a presidential
candidate in waiting, in 2011, speaking at Lhasa’s Potala Palace, on the eve of
60 years of Tibet’s peaceful liberation, Xi stated “we should thoroughly fight against separatist activities by the Dalai
clique by firmly relying on all ethnic groups and completely smash any plot to
destroy stability in Tibet and jeopardize national unity”. Irked by India’s
defiance, despite Beijing’s appeals to cancel the Dalai Lama’s trip, China
began to punish India, by stonewalling India’s NSG membership, extending veto
on Azhar at UN, blocking a tributary of Brahmaputra flowing into India, inking
pact with Pakistan to build six dams across Indus river in Pakistan Occupied
Kashmir (PoK). Beijing has also stopped sharing hydrological data since May 15th
despite two bilateral agreements (2013 and 2014) though India already paid for
the data. Now overflowing Brahmaputra
waters flooded states of Assam, Bihar killing over 120 and inundated several
hectares of standing crops.
BRI summit was held between 14-16 May and Indian absence
triggered backlash from China. Now China set a precondition that it will
refrain from sharing river water data until India withdraws troops from Doklam.
Going by the sequence of events, it can be comprehende that entering Doklam
under the pretext of road construction by Chinese troops has been a planned
intrusion. Xi energetically fostered bilateral ties with India’s south Asian
neighbors baring Bhutan. Now with prolonged stand-off at Doklam, a region
claimed by Bhutan and strategically important for India, China is attempting to
drive a wedge between India and Bhutan. China’s nefarious intentions gains more
credence with its offer of $10 billion which includes low interest loans, grant
and direct investment to Bhutan amidst Doklam stand-off. With BRICS summit just
a fortnight away, China is making renewed efforts to woo Bhutan. Speculations
are rife whether Prime Minister will attend BRICS Summit at Xiamen with deepening
of mistrust between India and China. India is irked by China’s indifference
towards resolving prolonged military standoff through peace negotiations and
denial of river water data.
Interestingly, Doklam impasse has brought into fore shrouded
facets of China into fore. With Xi’s characteristic coercive diplomacy failing
to threaten India to withdraw its troops, China’s state-sponsored media
unleashed a psychological war on India with a barrage of contemptuous and
fallacious propaganda. In the meanwhile, North Korea’s unabated nuclear
ambitions and its threats of targeting Guam island have caused intense
consternation among American allies who called upon China to rein in on
Pyongyang. Manifesting his contradictory standards, Xi called for a peaceful dialogue
for negotiating North Korean issue while refused to settle Doklam issue
similarly. President Xi Jinping’s impervious stance on issues ranging from
international affairs, internal security, military stratagem, domestic affairs
and censoring invariably exemplify his authoritarianism. Now, China mandated
foreign companies to create special provisions for accommodating party members
on board to overlook the governance in joint ventures. MNCs are even forced to
allow Chinese investors to access their technology or risk losing market
access. About 70% of 1.86 million Chinese private companies are affiliated to
Communist Party. This implies that activities, operations, data of over 70%
of Chinese investments abroad are controlled/monitored by the CPC (Communist
Party of China) directly. Countries, especially India must be wary of growing
Chinese investments with bilateral ties going south. Latest slew of
constricting reforms might have deleterious effect on investments in China.
Conclusion
China is clambering for glory, prestige and power and seeking
to occupy a pivotal place in the world order. By dispensing decades-old
collective leadership, Xi strengthened his position as the Commander-in-Chief
of China. He emerged as a powerful leader by consolidating his position within
the party and over military. Diligently emulating Maoist ideals, and Marxist
principles he has become “redder than red”.
By characteristically exterminating opposition with strict anti-corruption
campaign and overriding all limitations, he accumulated power by invoking
nationalism. Sieging the vacuum created by American reluctance to engage with
the World, Xi is steadily making claims to the top slot.
Amidst these far-reaching aspirations of Xi, factional feuds
within Communist party of China are reaching a feverish pitch. Speculations
abound that the high-handed censoring, internal fighting within the party,
labor unrest, crackdown on opposition, widening rich and poor divide might
eventually cause sudden disintegration like Soviet Union. Though
strategists strongly contest such an ordeal for China but it might be
exceedingly impossible for Xi to preserve total dominance of party over all
aspects of governance and steer China as a forward state. Even China’s ugly
meddling of geopolitics might have dangerous repercussions on long run. China’s
over ambitious attempts to project power, mercantilist approach, efforts to
sanitize history to bolster party rule, intransigent stance of its leaders
might eventually force nations to join hands against China. China has been
recklessly needling India, Japan and other South East Asian nations. America is
haranguing China for its inaction in tackling North Korea and losing patience.
With trade deficits snow-balling, China is emerging as a bigger threat to Trump
administration forcing it to pull back investments and clamp imports from
China. Hubris often led to tumbling of great empires. China might be no
exception to this rule. Its time Xi must peg back its zealous global ambitious.
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