Rare genre of strong assertive, nationalist leaders is
dominating contemporary World order. Despite dubitable reputation an unparalleled
public support commanded by these leaders has now become a curious case of study
for experts. Of them, President Xi Jinping, the General Secretary of the
Chinese Communist Party, Chairman of Central Military Commission, and President
of Peoples Republic of China is widely reckoned for his formidable authority. Last
week, China’s topnotch training school for communist cadres released a book
titled, “Xi Jinping’s Seven Years as an
educated youth” and made it an “essential”
reading for all the communist party cadres. The book dwells on the seven years
of arduous struggle of Xi, who was ordained to embrace an impoverished life
during the cultural-revolution imposed by Mao Zedong. The book is a collection
of interviews of villagers who worked with Xi when he was at Liangjiahe village
of Shaanxi Province from 1969 to 75. Indian newspaper Times of India, reported
that this book is now distributed to young people to enlighten and impress upon
them Xi’s “unshaken pursuit of ideals”. Xi’s latest self-promotion campaign
ahead of the key 19th Communist Congress meeting in November is an
attempt by the President to cement his authority over the party cadre.
Similarly, Xi accelerated elevation of his loyal generals to
highest positions in PLA (Peoples Liberation Army) to have an over-arching
control over the party. Further, Xi has given new postings to all regional
commanders in the PLA to prevent collusion between the army generals and
political opponents, before the 19th party Congress. Twenty-Six new
commanders and thirteen group armies are shifted enmasse and posted in regions
away from their command areas. This massive overhauling of military had a
deeper political message. But Chinese experts attributed Xi’s latest move to
Mao Zedong’s “mountaintopism” or Shantou zhuyi,
a dogma of restraining army commanders from developing their personal army.
They argued that military factionalism led to fall of Qing Dynasty and defeat
of Chiang Kai-Shek and Mao’s mechanism can reduce threats from regional
commanders. Aside curtailing politicking efforts of PLA commanders, this new
development has wider connotations. In his address at Beijing’s Great Hall of
People on the 90th Anniversary of founding of PLA, Xi commanded PLA
to “carry forward and implement the
Party’s absolute leadership. As comrade Mao Zedong once pointed out, our
principle is to have the party command the military and not the military
command the party”. Xi’s military rejig is an attempt to reiterate
party’s supremacy over military and government.
To this end, since April 2016, Chinese media has been unwaveringly
referring to President Xi as “Commander
in Chief” of the country to re-emphasize the Maoist norm established at the
1929 Gutian Conference. At Gutian, in
Fujian Province, Mao in 1929 pioneered combining barrel of gun, trained armed
peasantries and imbibed Marxism to develop the proletarian Army, PLA. He stated
that “political work is by means an
auxiliary to, but the life line of the Red Army”. Xi who has become
“Paramount Leader” (Paramount Leader is considered extremely powerful and the
title is bestowed upon leaders capable of leading the emerging super power with
largest growing military force to newer heights) by becoming the General
Secretary of CCP in November 2012, was crowned as “Core Leader” at the sixth
plenum in October 2016. The designation of core leaders has greater
significance in Chinese politics. Deng Xiaoping who declared Mao as first Core
leader underlined that “any leadership
must have a core, a leadership without a core is unreliable”. Deng was
second generation core leader; Jiang Zemin was third. Hu who was considered a
weak leader wasn’t conferred the title whereas Xi was declared a core leader.
But unlike his predecessors, Xi hasn’t nominated potential successors raising
lingering doubts about his intentions of continuing beyond the usual two-term
tenure. Ahead of Congress Meet, Xi successfully ousted tentative presidential
candidate Sun Zhengcai provincial head of Chongqing by levelling charges of
political indiscipline and replaced with Xi loyalist Chen Miner. China has laid
out a system wherein successor for President or Premier would be anointed five
years ahead of leadership transition to avoid internecine power struggles. This
ruthless defenestration of a potential presidential candidate is sparking
speculations about Xi’s unwillingness to cede political space to any person.
Xi has been extremely authoritarian unlike his predecessor Hu
Jintao, who believed in “collective
responsibility dictum”. Xi tried to assert his position much before taking
up the reigns with most of his policies and ideas reminding China of
authoritarian Mao. Xi firmly believes that strong authoritarian leadership is
corner stone of China’s model of “core socialist value system” and aspires to
provide an alternative to core Western values. At the third plenum of 18th
Communist Congress, in April 2013, Xi warned China of the impending dangers of
infiltration of ideas that can threaten their single party rule and urged party
cadres to be vigilant. In fact, an internal party communique was circulated among
the cadres enumerating threat posed by democratic values to communist ideology
of China. The paper, famously referred as Document 9, (being the ninth paper
released in that year) identified seven threats. These include- promoting
western constitutional democracy that has multiparty systems, general
elections, independent judiciary and national armies; promoting universal
values; promoting civil society; neo-liberalism or unrestrained liberalization;
freedom of press; reassessing history (historical nihilism) and questioning
reform and opening (campaigning for transparency). To sum up, Xi attested,
Communist party is an unquestionable authoritarian, sacrosanct and
supreme. To insulate the Chinese society
from the influences of external world, he censored internet, imposed
restrictions on freedom of press and finally enacted law ensuring strict
punishments for bloggers and writers who questioned the political authority.
The notorious Great Firewall of China is an outcome of these ill-gotten fears.
Ironically, while China ordered its leading telecommunication companies to
crack down on the tools that can circumvent its firewall, it actively promoted
penetration of its companies to access sensitive information of other
countries. In 2015, China enacted National Security Law to control and secure
the internet and information systems. Xi thus, steadily expanded his control
over every aspect of governance. Xi who was commander-in-chief consolidated his
control over internal security by establishing National Security Commission in
November 2013. He oversaw implementation of reforms by heading the Central
Leading Group for Comprehensively Deepening Reforms like one constituted by
Deng.
Xi who rose to power as clean politician adopted an
implacable stance against corruption. He announced an eight-point rule guide to
fight corruption which became rampant after Deng’s economic reforms propelled
country into high economic growth. Xi strategically turned anti-graft operation
into a tool for bullying his political opponents. Imprisonment of Bo Xilai
contender for top most leadership position under a corruption scandal
exemplifies notoriety of Xi’s corruption campaign. Xi has gone from strength to
strength becoming “Chairman of everything” emulating the most dominant leader Mao.
To the annoyance of senior party members, Xi reduced the number of places in
the politburo standing committee from nine to seven. To the worst nightmare of
Xi’s political opponents, his veritable political ambitions may upset smooth transition
of power.
As President Xi’s, larger than life image looms over the
World, it might be worth capitulating his steady ascent. Xi, son of Xi
Zhongxun, a first-generation revolutionary was vice-chairman of National
People’s Congress. When Xi was 15, his father was jailed and purged during
cultural revolution. For the next seven years, Xi worked in the country side
and later joined the Communist Party. From 1982 to 2002 he served the party at
various positions in different coastal provinces. In 2002, he became full
member of 16th Central Committee. Li Keqiang backed by Hu Jintao and
Xi were appointed to nine-member politburo standing committee in 2007. Xi was
appointed as Vice-Chairman of Central Military commission as Li failed to get
backing of the old guard. Xi emerged as consensus choice for Hu and Jiang Zemin
group. Somehow, Xi was initially perceived to be a person who could be easily
manipulated by Jiang and his deputy Zeng Quinghong. Moreover, Xi’s toughness in
reining in on the corrupt officials close to Jiang in Shanghai province earned
him a great repute. Further, his decision of not using official villa and
announcing his intention of converting the same into a home for veteran
comrades played to his advantage. He thus scored quick brownie points over Li
Keqiang who had two post-graduate degrees in economics and law from Peking
University but came from non-revolutionary background.
Xi’s dual qualification as member of Communist Party and
victim of cultural revolution outcast put him in good stead. The hard work
rendered during the country side is believed to have made him much bolder and
abiding toward the ideology. It is believed that Xi said that period of “eating
bitterness” increased his loyalty towards Communist party. Though he criticized
cultural revolution, he embraced the party. He extensively networked with party
cadres and especially in his province he downsized opposition.
Li and Xi ascended party ladder in different ways. Li was
Communist Party Youth League leader and was immensely popular. While Xi
represented “Princelings” and worked for economically endowed group. Most
believe that Chinese leaders unlike their western counterparts could make to
the top by not meddling with the special interests of vested groups in party
cadres. Hence, they may not be ideally clever and capable but adept in dealing
people. Interestingly. Xi served in many provinces but throughout his tenure he
hasn’t done anything phenomenal or ground-breaking working. He worked in many
departments but never ended up in a collision course with the cadre. By and
large he had safe career ascent. He enviously guarded his true intentions and
garnered support from different departments. But none had any inkling about his
real thoughts and beliefs. As in charge the Summer Olympics 2008, Xi won
laurels of party cadres and foreign leaders. Hailing his organizational
abilities, Xi was made in charge of 60th Anniversary celebrations of
founding of Peoples Republic of China. This event was of immense significance for
China as it marked the 50th anniversary of Tibetan uprising, 20th
Anniversary of pro-democratic Tiananmen protests and 10th
Anniversary of persecution of Falun Gong. This program which was referred ad
6521 project provided Xi with a unique opportunity of identifying the potential
threats to absolutism of Communist Party and reviving party cadres. This
experience helped him to develop strong links with party workers and in
identified the domestic threats.
Even before taking up reigns, Xi at 2011 CCP meeting urged
party members to “resolutely combat the
wrong tendency to distort and smear party’s history” and asked them to stop
using empty words and political jargon from their speeches. While he avoided
talking about his father vice-chairman Xi Zhongxun who fell out with Mao after
he intensified the call for class struggle. Xi’s appeals of not smearing
party’s history eventually paved way for rehabilitating senior Xi’s shrouded
reputation. Xi maintained strong connect with princelings in PLA and had a
hawkish foreign policy. Xi, the fifth-generation leader an ardent believer of
Mao dictums, strongly urged party cadres to “pay attention to Marxist cannon” and “focus on salient points and concentrate on studying the
quintessence-particularly important works of Mao Zedong”. Having emulated Maoist ideals, Xi eventually
emerged as an absolute authoritarian and as powerful as Mao.
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