How the opposition led by the Congress is indulging in shameful politics over vaccines

Indian Political narratives are falling way short of the logic. The series of the flip-flops and shifting of the goal posts by the opposition allude to the same. The over enthusiasm of the opposition to make the Prime Minister the fall guy, exposed their Modi “derangement syndrome”.

Crisis in any country brings people together. Rightly so, every nation’s history is etched with instances of self-less leadership striving to turn crisis into an opportunity. Wuhan virus pandemic, a “once-in-a-century” crisis has thrown up many challenges. India’s scientific community took up this challenge in stride and produced a reliable and efficacious vaccine, a feat accomplished by a handful of nations in the World. Known as the “World’s pharmacy”, India became home for production of two vaccines- Covishield and Covaxin. Prodded by the government of the day, India revelled in the stellar scientific accomplishment. On the contrary, opposition parties with their ignominious political labelling cast aspersions on the indigenous vaccine and inadvertently stoked “vaccine hesitancy”.

Opposition which is rather quick in drawing parallels with other democratic countries to pick on the government for the glaring inadequacies and ill-preparedness in anticipation of next wave of pandemic, have failed to emulate the culture of being responsible leaders during a health emergency. Undeniably, government has floundered on many accounts and the plight of Indians in terms of loss of lives of near and dear ones is testament to these woes.

But unlike in other countries, opposition in India made a spectacle out of the pandemic. Despite a head start, determined to upstage the centre, notwithstanding the enormity of the pandemic, opposition used the occasion for narrative setting and settling political scores.

Alas!!! Even India’s arch-enemies could have behaved with empathy. The leakage of the Congress tool kit, whose origins are yet to be established has only offered a bird’s eye view of the larger conundrum planned by the opposition.  With all postulates propounded in the toolkit already in place, the toolkit couldn’t be dismissed as a frivolous political mischief. The accompanying colossal disinformation campaign comprising of a deluge of tweets seeking help and mounting complaints of unavailability of the beds, medicines, oxygen supplies and vaccines had exacerbated the fears of common man. This orchestrated attempt of breeding ill-will indeed, fuelled dissent and sparked disaffection towards the ruling dispensation.

The panic mongering pertaining to the scarcity of covid resources has been one part of the story with the cornerstone of this toolkit being derailment of the vaccine policy.

At a time when countries have been actively, rolling out and motivating people to make the vaccine drive highly successfully to combat the pandemic, Indian opposition threw spanner in country’s vaccination program. Even as countries, vied with each other to pre-order vaccines, grappling with the hesitancy and lack of acceptance, Indian government cautiously tread this path and rolled out a vaccine program recommended by NEGVAC (National Expert Group of Vaccine Administration for Covid-19).

Accordingly, a three- phase vaccination drive was unveiled for prioritised population groups initially which included– Health care workers in the first phase, frontline workers, elders and people above 45 in the order of priority. To start with, vaccination drive was sequential owing to limited supply of jabs with plans to slowly extend it. Vaccination for all the above three groups was free in all government hospitals.

As per the slated policy, requisite quantities of the vaccines were dispatched to states and UTs. But States like Chhattisgarh rejected jabs sent by centre during the initial stages. Audit reports now indicate that the vaccine wastage has been dismally high in some of the opposition ruled states.

Despite the concerted attempts to frustrate the drive, vaccination process gained much steam by April when the second wave of pandemic hit the country. The ferocity and the lethality of the pandemic unsettled the country.

Suddenly, vaccine sceptics and anti-vaxxers lambasted the government for the slow pace of the vaccination. Hauled it over coals for the Vaccine Maitri and for failing to pre-order sufficient supplies. Overnight, vaccines were pronounced as the magic bullet to keep the pandemic at bay by the opposition. Indeed, with the deluge of pandemic, snuffing out young lives, opposition censured the government for failing to predict the intensity and spread of the pandemic and rooted for vaccination for all. Relenting to growing calls for mass inoculation, Central government in charge of the Vaccination policy, made the necessary amends.

In contravention to the National Vaccination Policy of 2011 legislated by the UPA government, where Centre is mandated to acquire vaccines, relenting to the appeals of state chief ministers, Prime Minister allowed them to manage the vaccination process. Starting May 1^st, fourth phase of vaccination was launched by the states to inoculate 18-44 age group. Decentralising the whole process, the supply basket was divided into two - 50 percent for centre and 50 percent for open markets. States were allowed to procure vaccines from the manufacturers directly.

Reminding the centre of the federal spirit and denouncing it for being obstinate and arrogant, states demanded decentralisation of vaccine process. Regional leaders pledged to put vaccination process back on track by taking full charge of the situation. Accusing centre for failing to ensure the smooth supply of vaccine leading to shortages, states have set out for global tendering. But the Pharma companies insisted on dealing with central government alone.

In the fourth phase, majority of states announced free vaccines for above 18 age group obtained jabs from centre based on the extent of infection and speed of vaccination. They were free to negotiate with the manufactures to buy needed vaccines. While the centre’s free vaccination drive continued, differential pricing of vaccines for states and private hospitals and other issues cropped up. States vaccinated for free, but private players charged different amounts for the jabs.

Needling the centre’s original vaccine policy, the overzealous state leaders who wanted to leverage the jabs for political gains have messed up the whole situation. Launching a tirade against the centre amid a pandemic, opposition posed hurdles to the vaccination even as government expedited the process of acquiring more jabs from foreign players.

Russia’s Sputnik V sale began by last week of May. To cope up with increasing vaccine demand, centre facilitated entry of six vaccines, which are slated to enter Indian markets from August. By the end of 2021, two billion doses will be made available.

Centre’s Vaccine policy, which has been maintaining steady progress till May started facing hiccups thanks to the lackadaisical appeals of the states.

Interestingly, the fourth phase has been a witness to mediocre vaccine agenda of states wherein Bengal replaced the picture of Prime Minister Modi with CM Mamata’s photo on vaccine certificate, Delhi announced “Jahan vote wahan vaccination”, Punjab government was caught selling the jabs obtained from Centre’s quota to private hospitals and Rajasthan’s vaccine wastage racket emerged. Under the garb of Vaccine drive, states began to pursue their political agendas.  Not satisfied with trading vaccines and wasting the precious resources, they have turned the vaccination process into a veritable electoral campaign.

The colossal mess of confusion an outcome of states vaccine decentralisation appeals, prompted the SC to pull up the central government for its arbitrary vaccine policy. Connivingly, the Congress party, having framed the National Vaccine Policy, cognizant of Central government’s centrality for the vaccination process, egged on the regional leaders to create this commotion. The unfoldment of vaccination melodrama at the height of the pandemic has laid bare the hypocrisies and brazen politicking of the opposition.

For all the ruckus and the slanderous pandemic propaganda on inadequate vaccine supplies, major pharma players overwhelmed by pre-orders expressed their inability to supply vaccines till 2022. Majority of the countries are still pursuing a phased vaccination drive. For an emerging country like India which can’t afford frequent lockdowns, mass inoculation is a necessity. But vaccination making is not a two-minute noodle making job.

Putting things in perspective, Prime Minister Modi’s in his address to the nation yesterday, demolished the fallacious propaganda of the opposition on India’s vaccine policy. Setting things straight, PM questioned the vaccine hesitancy fuelled by opposition and apprised them of previous vaccination drives by different governments till now.

Facing the ire of opposition, government has agreed to decentralise the vaccine policy. But with states expressing inability to continue the mass inoculation, revoked the decentralisation and enunciated a new plan which will be in place from June 21^st. As per the revised policy, centre has announced free vaccination to all, continuation of free ration till Diwali and a centralised vaccine procurement as well.

Data doesn’t lie and vaccination numbers clearly puts India among select few countries with respectable inoculation rates. Given the huge population, the numbers as in percentage of population inoculated may not be encouraging, but absolute numbers reflect the robustness of the logistics of delivery mechanisms of India. To cope up with vast demand government has expedited grant approval to vaccine manufacturers and removed all roadblocks for scaling up vaccination production. But vested interests in cahoots with political leaders and media are endlessly running a dishonest campaign. To this end, Modi’s address did a great service in repelling the pessimistic portrayal.

Essentially, a modicum of earnestness and solemnity by various stakeholders will go a long way in combatting the devastating pandemic. Intriguingly, despite the flexible approach of the government, the opposition still refuses to acknowledge government’s efforts. Steeped in a hatred, government is blamed for everything, “damned you do and damned if you don’t”. Given their approach, opposition perpetual accusation of political arrogance attributed to ruling dispensation suits them better.

Politics is integral to a thriving democracy with multi-party systems. But issues related to national security, health emergencies, natural disasters must be exempted from this ruthless politicking. Demonstrating their double standards, the opposition which is keen on apportioning the entire blame of the COVID pandemic on Modi despite health being a state subject refuses to appreciate him for the policy which they have been advocating.

 

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Modi Doctrine 2.0 creates an enabling framework for India’s resurgence

Prime Minister Modi’s seventh anniversary into power has been a low-key affair. Plagued by a treacherous Wuhan virus wave, the leadership has asked the Chief Ministers of BJP ruled states to announce Covid schemes for orphaned children commemorating the event.

Outshining his predecessors, Prime Minister Modi has leveraged India’s soft power to elevate India’s global stature. Riding on the twin horses of galvanising the Indian Diaspora and capitalising on India’s cultural and religious connect, Modi gave a new direction and vision to the India’s foreign policy. Exemplary outreach has been his forte. By stitching an extraordinary personal chemistry with the World leaders across the aisle, Modi diversified India’s engagement with comity of nations. As the Modi regime reaches the significant milestone of completing seven successful years, it is time to reflect on the hits and misses of the NDA-2 with a special focus on the foreign policy.

Foreign policy should be guided by national interests and PM Modi has unequivocally reinforced this aspect many a times. It is a doctrine which should be insular to political nit-pickings. But inadvertently, two pivotal domestic legislations- stripping of special status to Jammu and Kashmir and bestowing Indian citizenship to non-Muslims facing persecution threats has cast a shadow on India’s ties with immediate neighbours. Marshalling diplomatic resources just months into second term, Modi had successfully defended India’s uncompromising stance on these aspects.

In continuum to the approach of standing up to the hostility of Pakistan and China with the Balakot air strikes and Doklam stand-off, India refused to be cowed down by threats or cowered by the intimidated. Battling a threatening pandemic, India checkmated China’s stealthy intrusions. Donning an aggressive avatar, India repulsed China with the Galwan incident. Demolishing China’s make-believe frame of reference of India of 1962, India sent a stern message by occupying the strategic Kaliash ranges and deploying 50,000 troops through the harsh winter. Backing words with actions that boundary issue can’t be separated from bilateral relationship, India banned over 200 Chinese apps, stalled Chinese investment projects and disallowed Huawei from 5G trials.

Looking into the Dragon’s eye, with an unshaken resolve, India proved that it can be no longer be muscled out. As a defiant bulwark, India stratified its centrality to the Indo-Pacific region. Extending invite to Australia, India added fresh impetus to the Quad 2.0. A paradigm shift from Pakistan-centric strategic calculus to a pragmatic realisation of China as the formidable enemy has significantly changed India’s approach towards geopolitics.

Compelled by a crippling economic recession, Pakistan stepped the orbit of ‘geo-economics’ and in tune with this new development, prodded by the UAE, India and Pakistan agreed to observe ceasefire since March 2021. Predisposed to subterfuge and deceit, India’s hasn’t let down its guard. Though Kashmir valley is relatively peaceful, targeting killing of the mainstream politicians and attacks on Kashmiri pandits by Pakistan sponsored terrorists indicate that it is not over until it is over.

Adeptly defending the territorial borders, Modi government simultaneously invested energy and resources to buttress India’s maritime security and influence. Over the past seven years, India sealed military logistics agreement with Russia, Singapore and South Korea, LEMOA with the US, MLSA with France and Australia, ACSA with Japan, white water shipping pact with Israel. Deepening cooperation, India began 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue with the Quad members. India obtained access to Indonesia’s Sabang port and Duqm port in Oman. To spread Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA), India started India Information Fusion Centre (IIFC) for Indian Ocean Region building linkages with 18 countries and 15 multinational/ maritime centres. Modi proposed Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI) for safe, secure and stable maritime domain, which is in line with India’s vision for the region at the 14^th EAS (East Asia Summit).

India’s relationship with the Gulf countries have reached a zenith under Modi regime providing the much needed diplomatic capital and heft in the aftermath of abrogation of Article 370. Teeming strategic partnership, infrastructure investments, bilateral trade and energy collaboration further solidified these ties with the region. Modi doctrine managed the tight rope walk of maintaining friendly relationship with regional rivals- Iran, Saudi Arabia, Israel, Palestine at the same time.

Making up a decade of lethargy and indecision of UPA, Modi government prioritised relations with immediate neighbours. Unveiling the second term with an invite to BIMSTEC leaders, Modi bolstered sub-regional cooperation. Continuing the tradition of according highest priority to Bhutan made his first visit to Himalayan country. Later when the Pandemic struck the sub-continent, making SAARC countries, stakeholders in collective covid combat, India trained personnel, shared best practices, shipped medical supplies. Indeed, India's neighbours have been the major beneficiaries of India’s generous Vaccine Maitri. While nations looked inwards during the unprecedented health emergency, India rose to the occasion, supplied crucial medical supplies and actively engaged in health diplomacy during the early stages of the pandemic. Scaling up the domestic production of Hydroxychloroquine, India gifted it to over 50 countries. Weeks after rolling out domestic vaccination program, India exported and donated nearly 67 million vaccines to over 70 countries.

Hit by a devastating second wave of Wuhan virus, when India faced resource crunch, countries across the World mobilised financial assistance and shipped covid supplies. While critics questioned the prudence of Vaccine Maitri, as a token of reciprocity and spurred by the enormity of the Covid surge, an outpouring solidarity hit the India shores. Over 50 countries offered assistance in various forms to New Delhi. India gracefully accepted the foreign assistance as a part of “mutual assistance framework”.

Indeed, driven by the cardinal rule of nobody is safe until everybody is safe in the pandemic ravaged interconnected World, in absence of any leadership, India partnered with South Africa to stand up for the third World countries to realise the goal of Universal vaccination and proposed temporary patent waiver at WTO. Lobbied by Big Pharma, while Western countries opposed the waiver, Low- and Middle-Income countries (LMIC)s backed the proposal. Owing to India’s unrelenting pursuits, US lent support and even Members of European Parliament (MEP) approved the proposal while the European leaders are still reluctant.

Taking up global leadership mantle, India also initiated a Joint Political Declaration on Equitable Global Access to COVID-19 vaccines and garnered support of 180 UN members. In response to the global challenges, India initiated International Solar Alliance, Disaster Relief Infrastructure Coalition and proposed One World One Sun One Grid, which experts believe is an answer to China’s BRI (Belt and Road Initiative).

Unruffled by the encumbering Wuhan virus pandemic, Modi government swiftly transitioned to virtual diplomacy and seamlessly engaged in multilateral engagements- like invitation to G7 meetings, G 20 summit, SCO and BRICS. True to it defining attributes of strategic autonomy, India is actively forging bilateral ties with multiple partners. Having pulled out from RCEP, redoubling efforts to expand economic partnership, India signed an enhanced trade partnership agreement with the UK and laid out a 10 -year framework for Indo-UK ties through “Roadmap 2030”. Along way, India resumed trade negotiations over the Free Trade Agreement stalled in 2013 with the historic virtual Indo-EU summit that witnessed participation of 27 leaders of Europe and European Commission. Courting EU post Sino-EU faceoff, Modi has rightly posited India as a lucrative global market, an emerging economy and an investment destination.

By projecting India as an assertive power, capable of partaking leadership roles to address global challenges, Modi has attempted to change global perception of India. In contravention to popular portrayal of India as a diffident nation, by standing its ground in the face of hostilities from its formidable adversaries, India refused to be muscled out. This defiance has infused a new confidence in India’s resurgence as a responsible power. This primal change in global outlook has made it a coveted partner in strategic relationships.

But India’s gains on ground are rather ambivalent with countries in the sub-continent using the bilateral ties with India for domestic politicking. Slippage of Nepal and Sri Lanka into Beijing’s orbit with their uncanny ability to play India's card against China and viceversa mirror the inadequacies of Indian diplomacy. Straddling of Chinese troops across certain areas in Eastern Ladakh by forgoing tactical advantage during the stand-off has been frustrating.

The major part of Modi Doctrine 2.0, thus far, has been consumed in managing the pandemic, which reared its ugly head. Devastating second wave has undone the gains which India has accumulated during the earlier cycle. Creaky medical infrastructure and incompetency of the authorities further exacerbated the crisis which has weakened India’s economic recovery. Critics. lost no time in writing-off India’s growth story.

Amid the prediction of gloom, India’s global partnerships and engagements played a major role in tiding the domestic crisis. A global outpouring of help when India’s chips are down aside demolishing absurd claims of India is looking inward by critics exemplified New Delhi's pragmatic foreign policy.

Though there are several frontiers where India must invest diplomatic capital to nurture its aspirations, Modi’s foreign policy has been instrumental in creating an enabling framework for India’s resurgence.

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External Affairs Minister Jaishankar’s Crucial visit to the US

After India’s close proximity with Trump administration, critics conjectured if Modi government can pull off the same magic with President Biden. Over the years, Indo-US bilateral relations progressed irrespective of the leadership change at the White House. Defying the sceptics, without losing the focus, India swiftly reacted to Biden’s Presidentship and steered the strategic partnership trail.

Overcoming the initial hesitation, Biden administration, in a huge leap of faith bolstered the Indo-Pacific policy buttressed by President Trump and convened the first ever virtual summit of the Quad leaders. Building on this momentum within the first 100 days of Biden’s regime, Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin and Climate Envoy John Kerry visited India highlighting the key focus arenas of cooperation between the two countries.

Ravaging Wuhan virus posed a formidable hurdle for physical meetings. With situation on ground stabilising, to renew engagement, External Affairs Minister Jaishankar embarked on a five-day visit to America to touch on all the high-points of Indo-US Strategic cooperation. The visit which is the first visit at the highest echelons from India side after Joe Biden’s elections assumes great significance. Coming in the pandemic times, while health cooperation and vaccine diplomacy are the high points of the visit, America’s announcement of complete withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan also figured in the discussions pertaining to the security of the region.

Owing to America’s tardy response to India’s appeal for help with the export of vaccine raw material, curious doubts have been raised about the veracity of the partnership. But overcoming the initial dilly-dallying, America mobilised help and extended covid assistance to the tune of half a billion. The bipartisan ground swell of support for India has been remarkable.  Ahead of Jaishankar’s visit, House Foreign Affairs Committee unanimously passed a resolution by Congressman Bill Sherman and Steve Chabot, which had 33 co-sponsors and all four Indian American members that urged for private, in-kind medical supplies donations to India and assistance in the form of oxygen concentrators, critical medicines and raw materials for Covishield, vaccine production. This came shortly after America decided to donate 80 million vaccines on the basis of the need.

Taking the health cooperation to global level, US has backed the proposal by India and South Africa for TRIPS waiver at WTO, a major hurdle for large scale covid vaccine production. Health agenda even figured in the Quad summit, where leaders sought to expand global vaccination capacity to produce 1 billion doses at India’s Biological E with American and Japanese funds and Australian logistics.

With Indian government moving heaven and earth to mobilise Covid supplies and pledged to ensure to smooth supply of vaccines, cognizant of attempts by Pfizer and Moderna to enter Indian markets, EAM held wide ranging conversations with US Global Task Force on Pandemic Relief and US India Business Council (UIBC). The discussions focussed on strengthening critical supply chains and collaboration for production of vaccines and therapeutics. UIBC comprising of American CEOs drawn from diverse business sectors has been at the forefront of advancing India-US trade, investment and technology partnership.

America’s timely support in India’s Covid combat added an element of trust and reinforced good will in the strategic partnership. In sharp contrast, the bad press of America media has substantially undermined the genuine bipartisan support towards India. In his conversation with former NSA H R McMaster in Battlegrounds session titled, “India: Opportunities and Challenges for a Strategic Cooperation” EAM defended the government policies amid growing criticism of “Hindutva policies”.

In response to concerns of “Hindutva policies that could be undermining the secular nature of Indian democracy”, EAM clarified, “we define secularism as equal respect for all faiths. Secularism doesn’t mean that you are in denial of your own faith or anybody else’s faith.” Hinting that current government has departed from the vote bank politics, he cited the governance policies where free food is given to 800 million people during the first wave of the pandemic and money is directly transferred to 400 million people to the deserving without any discrimination.

Notwithstanding these governance policies, he added, the present government is judged “politically, harshly and it is often used to create a narrative”. “When you come down to real governance judgements, you find that there is a difference between the political imagery that has been concocted”. “Real politics (is) at play” and “I would certainly see that very much as part of political effort to depict our current government in a certain way”¹.

Stating that Indians are “extremely confident about our democracy” and nobody would trade democracy for any other form of governance, EAM eloquently underscored the plurality of the Indian society and apprised about the current trend of “deepening democracy, a much broader representation in politics and in leadership positions and in civil society of people who are much more confident about their culture, language and beliefs”.

Besides effectively articulating India’s stance pertaining to Indo-Pacific region, the need for a decentralised globalisation with different centres of production, global challenges like climate change, terrorism and pandemics which are not limited by any boundaries. He took an indirect dig at the mendacity of the disinformation propaganda purveyed by the Western media under the pandemic cover. Plummeting to new lows, the Western media resorted to a vulture journalism and made spectacle of India’s tragedy. Western media shapes international perception. With his straight talk and candid response, EAM debunked the false narrative and set things straight.

Strategizing the trajectory of Indo-US partnership, Jaishankar expounded- India and America have fundamental convergences- pluralistic societies, political democracies and market economies. Evincing India’s interest in deepening the partnership he proposed that countries must now translate “convergences into actionable policies”.

Aside, health cooperation, EAM who first landed in New York held a comprehensive meeting with UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres running for a second term. India extended support for Guterres candidature, discussed New Delhi’s priorities for its Presidency of UNSC in August, its commitments to Paris Accord and regional challenges in the neighbourhood.

Having set the ground and explicitly envisaging the expectations from this partnership through his conversation, Jaishankar, engaged with the higher echelon of the Biden administration.  Accelerated troop pullback from Afghanistan without unresolved issues has provoked major concerns in the region. Aside the power vacuum created by America’s withdrawal, Pakistan-Taliban tangle in the region and its spill over effects are bound to have direct effects on India.

Besides, last week meeting between NSA’s of Pakistan and America- Moeed Yusuf and Jake Sullivan at Geneva triggered a speculation of a US setting up a base at Shamsie in Balochistan or Jacobobad in Sindh and review of suspended security assistance. Talks of return to old relationship with Pakistan made rounds in the diplomatic circles. Further the reports of movement of lone air craft carrier USS Ronald Regan based in Yokosuka, Japan to Middle East to provide additional air support during the evacuation of troops² has fuelled alarm.

Amid these major geopolitical reconfigurations, Jaishankar exchanged views on a range of regional security challenges with Defense Secretary Llyod Austin and discussed opportunities for deepening cooperation. He conveyed his appreciation of the “US military role in responding to the covid situation”. The issues pertaining to common challenges in Indo-Pacific region, Free, open Indo-Pacific, pandemic cooperation, climate change, featured in Jaishankar’s meeting with NSA Jake Sullivan³.

Along with Covid, another C, China issue covertly crept into Jaishankar’s talks with the Director of National Intelligence, Avril Haines. US has been providing intelligence support to India and given China’s military activity despite the pandemic, this meeting is a signal to China of deepening Indo-US cooperation. Recognising the role of the bipartisan covid support to India, Jaishankar spoke to Chairman Foreign Affairs committee, Gregory Meeks and Ranking Member Mc Caul. Welcoming US’s positive stance of TRIPS waiver and support for efficient and robust supply chains Jaishankar reviewed Trade, technology and investment ties which are at the core of the Indo-US strategic with US Trade representative Catherine Tai.

In his much-awaited meeting with US secretary Anthony Blinken, Jaishankar thanked US for the support and solidarity at the height of the pandemic and focussed on expanding the Indo-US vaccine partnership aimed at expanding the access and ensuring the supply. Obligated to fulfil domestic vaccine needs, India has temporarily halted supplies to all countries. Capitalising on the rising vaccine demand, China is stepping up stings attached vaccine diplomacy in South Asia. Short on any choice, countries are embracing the questionable efficacy of Chinese vaccine. India is planning to partner with US to help these nations.

Both leaders discussed about Indo-Pacific cooperation, the Quad grouping, Afghanistan, Myanmar coup and Indo-China border issues⁴. Evidently, Indo-US partnership is currently three dimensional- bilateral, regional and global. Given vast expanse of cooperation, Indo-US partnership is bound to shape geopolitical contours. By expressing India’s continued commitment to contribute for global good in his interactions with officials and diplomats, Jaishankar has laid firm foundation for India’s engagement with Biden administration.

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Unmasking China’s ‘Peaceful’ Civil Nuclear Program

 Last week, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin oversaw the ground breaking ceremony of Russian-built nuclear power plants, a total of four nuclear reactors, two at Tianwan nuclear plant in eastern Jiangsu province and two in Xudapu in north eastern Liaoning province each with individual capacity of 1.2 GW¹. These are expected to be operational by 2026-28. Energy cooperation has been the corner stone of Sino-Russian relations; nuclear cooperation which is added facet to this dimension received a massive boost with Russian based nuclear reactors forming the backbone of China’s so called civil nuclear cooperation arena of this partnership.

Facing the Western sanctions, Russia has deepened its ties with China. Though reluctant to be a junior partnership in this bilateral relationship, America’s inadvertent picking of Russia and labelling Moscow as strategic adversary on par with China, has become a strong glue for expansive Sino-Russian bilateral cooperation which now includes-military, space, finance, investment, trade and even institutional integration. Deeming the civil nuclear energy as a weapon to reach its agenda of 2060 carbon neutral mission, China has been on nuclear reactor expansion spree since 2012. Currently, China has quarter of global nuclear capacity which includes 50 operable nuclear reactors and 19 reactors under construction².

Currently nuclear energy accounts for 4.9% of total power generation in China. To wean off from the carbon dependence, China is aiming to increase the nuclear power contribution to 13% by 2070. After acquiring the nuclear technology from US, France and Russia initially, China made rapid strides in the field. For the first time in 2015 China developed indigenous nuclear reactor, Hualong One and began exporting the nuclear technology. Having reached the set target of 70 GW by 2020 ahead of schedule, China has set new limits of 200 GW by 2030, and 400-500GW by 2050. Post Fukushima while the World shied away from nuclear energy and Germany started phasing out nuclear reactors, China started rigorously betting on them.

China’s avowed interest in nuclear reactors for pegging carbon emissions is worthy of praise. However, China’s lack of transparency and opacity with respect to the nuclear records has become growing cause of concern. Besides, Beijing’s recalcitrant approach for a genuine talk on nuclear risk reduction initiated by the US is causing real trepidation. Together, the latest nuclear reactors being built are Closed Fuel nuclear breeder Reactors, CFR-600 that produce Plutonium, which upon reprocessing can be used for producing nuclear war heads is now an additional source of anxiety. Absence of any official clarification about the end-use of the nuclear reactors whether it is serves civilian needs or nuclear deterrent needs have sparked new apprehensions.

IAEA has announced that since 2017, China has stopped making annual declarations on its civilian plutonium program and stopped updating about the stocks of civilian plutonium as well³.

For long, the US, Europe and Japan have been pioneering leaders in nuclear power generation and global nuclear commerce. With steady decline of the competitiveness of this industry led by US it slowly moved away while Russia emerged as the leader of nuclear sales accounting for two-thirds of global sales. In the meanwhile, China doubled down its efforts and started exporting its indigenous nuclear reactors to Pakistan, Argentina and Britain. Reportedly, it is advancing the agenda under the BRI (Belt and Road Initiative) and roped in 28 countries under of nuclear cooperation ambit.

China’s option of using Plutonium for power generation is triggering a debate. Japan has also selected the same path and for the past 40 years, having accumulated tonnes of Plutonium is struggling to dispose it through non-breeder reactors. All these efforts have showed that reprocessing is non-economical thus offering no logic to as why China has opted this path. While Japan lacks the infrastructure and systems to make nuclear weapons to use up the Plutonium, China has the wherewithal to build nuclear war heads. At this juncture, China’s installation of new breeders producing Plutonium for power generation is raising curious doubts.

Given China’s dual-use approach, Korea, already wary of Japan’s holdings might speed up the process of using Plutonium reactors. This will eventually push the region into Plutonium reprocessing, which isn’t environmentally friendly, disposal is cost prohibitive and will spur race for building nuclear war heads. While some view that China’s determination to pursue Plutonium is an attempt to dominate the “cutting-edge technology” one of the agenda of the 2049 centennial goals of CCP, Plutonium is considered to have a negative economic value. Considering all the possible alternatives, the singular motive which fits the Plutonium reprocessing exercise of Beijing’s is the nuclear expansion agenda.

China’s intentions are under scanner for the absence of any transparency regarding the stocks of Plutonium, refusal to adopt moratorium on the use of fissile material production for weapons and its joint efforts with Pakistan for stalling the negotiations on FMCT (Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty) at the UN.

Timing of this development, when tensions between the US and China are pitch high over Taiwan issue sparking the fears of Cold war 2.0 and China’s refusal to join discussion on Prevention of Nuclear war at the 65-member Conference on Disarmament at Geneva⁴ even as Russia and the US agreed to extend the New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty) arms control treaty for five years is disconcerting. Also, the waters of North East Asia are roiled with tensions and China’s latest move hints at its objective of attaining strategic nuclear parity with the US.

Also, if China’s nuclear program is so peaceful, what stops it from making the annual declarations to IAEA since 2017?  Shrouded in secrecy, taking into account only the military fissile stocks, US intelligence agencies underestimated China to have 350 nuclear heads by Autumn 2020. Even Russia experts believed that China has large stockpile. These estimates are corroborated by a report in South China Morning Post that read, “a source close to Chinese military said that its stockpile of nuclear war heads had risen to 1000 in recent years, but less than 100 of them are active”⁵.

Known for bidding time and hiding capabilities, China in the recent past has been increasing its strategic and non-strategic defense deterrence which includes development of hypersonic missiles, Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles (ICBMs), Multiple Independent Re-entry Vehicles, hypersonic glide vehicles, submarine launched ballistic missiles (SLBM), bombers and launchers. By some estimates China already has about 1000 nuclear heads and these numbers are going to double or triple by 2030. Given its burgeoning propensity for armed conflicts, China must be sitting on a huge stock of nuclear assets. With the unrelenting pace of installing of fast breeder reactor, China is seeking to increase its Weapons Grade Plutonium (WGPu). Records indicate that US has 1270 nuclear war heads. So, by implication, China is reaching strategic parity with the US.

China’s defence of adopting fast nuclear breeder technology falls short on the agenda of energy and environment. It is time, all the five countries, US, Russia, China, Japan and South Korea start sharing information on the civilian plutonium, enriched Uranium holdings and production capacities with IAEA⁶. Else this is bound to catalyse an uncontrolled chain reaction of nuclear proliferation.

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Israel-Hamas Conflict: Putting things in Perspective

As tensions loom large with unabated rocket firing and retaliatory air strikes, apprehensions of a full-blown war between Israel and Hamas in Gaza have surged. Moved by the plight of innocent civilians, UNSC has thus far, held three sessions calling for immediate ceasefire. US, Egypt, Qatar, Jordan have tried to broker a ceasefire, but to no avail. Unlike the past conflicts, the current escalation has been different.

First, the hesitation of the Biden administration towards the escalation has been intriguing. Reluctant to getting drawn into Middle East morass, four months into power, Biden hasn’t crafted a Middle East Policy nor appointed Israeli ambassador. By contrast, Trump announced Israeli ambassador one month ahead of his inauguration while President Obama picked up a Middle East Envoy on the second day of his Presidency¹. The trepidation in reflected in the lack of coherence in US strategy towards Israel. Biden reversed Trump’s Pro-Israel stance and restored aid to Palestine. This kind of delicate balancing without directionality and focus is evident in US administration’s initial hesitation to back Israel.

Though US has blocked all the resolutions against Israel at UNSC, the pressure within the party is mounting since White House statement of May 12^th, which read- “President Biden spoke today with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. He condemned the rocket attacks by Hamas and other terrorist groups, including against Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. He conveyed his unwavering support for Israel’s security and for Israel’s legitimate right to defend itself and its people, while protecting civilians”. The new crop of the Progressives within the party- Alexandria Ocasia-Cortez, Rashida Tlaib, Ilhan Omar, Mark Pocan criticised Biden for failing to condemn the killing of Palestinian children. Facing the rift within the party, Biden has issued a statement at the time of writing, expressing support for a ceasefire.

This significant shift in US position reflective of the changing demographics of the electorate is going to be a diplomatic setback for Israel. Biden administration’s trepidation has an underlying message to Israel.

Second, aside from the rocket firing and counter strikes, the new phenomenon that took Israel by surprise now is the eruption of mob violence of young Arabs on streets in Israeli cities- Lod, Haifa, Acre, Ramla in the Heart of Israel. Arab youth marauding on the streets is setting fire to cars, torching synagogues, throwing Molotov cocktails into Jewish houses and ransacking stores stoking the fears of a civil war.

Israelis know how to navigate through bomb attacks, rocket firing but aren’t used to mob violence and attacks on synagogues and lynching their fellow citizens. Arab comprise 23% of the Israeli population. Israelis are truly terrified of this internal strife which has the potential to unravel the Jewish country by sowing seeds of ethnic suspicion.

Though reports suggest that incensed by Israel’s disproportionate retaliatory attacks a faction of Arab and Jewish fundamentalists are resorting to these kinds of violent incidents, Palestinian attempt to ram soldiers with a car in Southern West Bank, reminiscent of the terrorist attacks in the West is causing fresh concerns. In the city of Bet Yam, an Arab man was apparently lynched by Israeli Jews. Yair Lapid condemned the rioters as, “bunch of pathetic racists who don’t represent Israeli Jews”². President Rivulin castigated the Arab Israeli leadership for their shameful silence on the pogrom.

Third, for the first time since 2014 capital Jerusalem is under attack, Hamas is firing rockets and using Anti-Tank missiles on Tel Aviv and surrounding cities in Central Israel. Millions of people are running for cover. With Israel’s Iron Dome Missile Defense System effectively intercepting and neutralising the rockets and people taking refuge in bomb shelters in response to the warning alarms, the casualties on the Israeli side are minimised.

Hamas have thus far fired 3300 rockets at Israel, some of them misfired and exploded in Gaza killing the civilians living in the vicinity. Gaza is one of the most densely populated regions and Hamas operate from the Civilian areas and use women and children as shields to escape the targeted attacks of the IDF (Israel Defense Forces).

Additionally, when IDF issued a warning to evacuate, Hamas and the Jihadi elements encourage civilians to stay instead. As a result, civilian casualties are disproportionately high in Gaza. Hamas has been using gruesome images of dead children as propaganda tools to evoke emotional sympathy internationally. A case in point of IDF's mode of operation has been IDF’s warning alert to the media agencies operating in Gaza whose towers are brought down for doubling up as an operational centre of Hamas.

Israel has been severely censured by the international media for this act, but the incident was casualty-free.

Fourth, the mode of operation of the IDF and Hamas are quite contrasting. The answer to this lies in the charter of Hamas, an Islamic Resistance Movement evolved from the Islamic Brotherhood which says, “there is no solution for the Palestinian question except through Jihad”³. For decades, Israel has successfully repelled attacks of several nation-states. But the current conflict is with a non-state actor which is a designated international terror organisation.

By extension, Israel which is a sovereign state has every right to retaliate and defend itself from these attacks.

Fifth, by deliberately undermining the jihadi motto of Hamas, Israeli critics aside condemning its disproportionate retaliatory strikes gave a free pass to the terror advocacy of Hamas. Also, unlike the 2014 Gazan war, rockets are being fired towards Israel’s Northern territories from Lebanon’s City of Tyre.

Sixth, overwhelmed by the growing causalities and relentless attacks, nations are rightly calling for an immediate halt in hostilities accusing Israel of apartheid and genocide of Palestinians. But in reality, Israel’s conflict is a war against terrorism, a terror organisation that won the Parliamentary legislative election in 2006.

Seeking to graduate to the next stage of being the representative of Palestinians, Hamas is seeking to upstage the Palestine Authority. The elections scheduled to be held later this month were cancelled by Palestine President Mahmoud Abbas stating that Israel objected to the opening of ballots in East Jerusalem, which indeed is false. With a shrinking popularity, Abbas who assumed charge in 2005 for a period of four years hasn’t conducted elections till now. Hamas is upset with the cancelation of election. Ongoing violence is part of Hamas larger plan to advance its agenda. A series of events are smartly manipulated to unleash violence.

The district court was to issue a ruling on the Sheikh Jarrah neighbourhood evictions. It comes at a time, when the overstaying squatters and the people who are without any tenancy rights appealed against the Supreme Court which ruled in favour of the Jews who possessed the title ownership documents duly validated and recognised by the Israeli court.

Tenancy rights have been successfully transferred since Ottoman times and they weren’t disputed through British rule except for the 19 years period of Jordanian forcible occupation of East Jerusalem. Jordan denied the Jews the ability to exercise their ownership of annexed lands and it declined to give Palestinian Arabs the title to the land seized. After the 1967 war, Israel refused to continue the discriminatory practices of Jordan. Contrary to the media claims of the Israeli government evicting the squatters, the private individuals presented their appeals to the court. After rightfully establishing their ownership are now expecting the Israeli police to evict the overstaying Palestine Arabs. As alleged, this is not, “illegal settlement activity”.

To this end, Prof Avi Bell, clarified that even International Law wouldn’t strip the property rights of private Jews which are characteristically referred to as “Occupied Palestine Territories”⁴. Indeed, for all the charges of massive evictions, the decision pertained to only six families. An Israeli court has offered a compromise of minimal rent for residence in perpetuity, while some agreed, others rejected. Those who refused are facing the threat of eviction.

Sheikh Jarrah which holds a Jewish neighbourhood by name “Shimon HaTZadik” which holds the tomb of a rabbinic sage has been home to the largest ethnic population of Yemenite Jews⁵. Anticipating a flareup of tensions, the court ruling has been postponed.

In the run to the court ruling, Jerusalem has been witnessing series of riots. Reports of Arab worshippers’ stockpiling rocks, fireworks in the Al-Qasa Mosque the third holiest site for Muslims and known as Temple Mount for Jews emerged⁶. Validating these findings Arabs, pelted stones and bottles at Police during the clashes at the Mosque Friday. Police used stun grenades and water cannons to dispel the crowds. Subsequently, Hamas fired four rockets towards Ashkelon city Sunday night.

The following Monday, Nationalist Jews were getting ready for the annual parade to Old City on the eve of Jerusalem Day when the Israeli administration called off the event at the eleventh hour given its potential to ignite tensions during the Ramzan month. Israeli authorities for the reasons best known to them allowed the tensions to simmer. Having lost the chance to form a government, critics argued that Prime Minister Netanhayu might have allowed the situation to escalate to be at the helm once again with retaliatory attacks on Hamas. But the rapprochement between Israel and Arabs through the Abraham accords is the real trigger.

Israel-Arab alliance is perceived as a threat to the budding Turkey-Iran axis. Hamas the handmaiden of Iran is working at the behest of Tehran to throw a spanner into the formation of first-ever Israeli-Arab coalition government.

Ending the political deadlock of four rounds of electoral exercises in the past two years, Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid were on the verge of forming a government with Mansour Abbas of Islamist Ra’am Party. This turmoil has hampered the process.

Seventh, Hamas provocative escalation has led to killing of 217 Palestinians which including 63 children and 12 deaths in Israel including two children. This unspeakable tragedy which claimed innocent children is now alluded to as bemoaning spectacle of self-determination. Portraying Israel, as an oppressive colonial force squatting on a foreign land Western media besides denying indigenous Jews of its history is projecting them as villains.

But indeed, the present conflict isn’t an Israel-Palestine conflict, though it stems from the Palestinian cause. It is a sovereign state’s fight with a non-state actor, a terror organisation.

Rightly so, India, which has lost its citizens to Hamas rocket firing in its statement at UNSC expressed concerns over violence in Jerusalem. Calling for “immediate de-escalation” as the “need of the hour, so as to arrest any further slide towards the brink”, urged both sides to show “extreme restraint and desist from actions that exacerbate tensions”.

India’s ambassador to the UN T.S. Tirumurti condemned the “indiscriminate rocket firing from Gaza targeting the civilian population in Israel” that has “caused immense suffering and resulted in deaths”. He reiterated India’s commitment to the Palestinian cause supporting a two-state solution, and underscoring the need for dialogue between Israel and Palestinian authorities. As a victim of cross-border terrorism, India has deftly supported Israel’s strikes “retaliatory” in nature and refused to call it an act of aggression as other countries termed it⁶.

Though nations are shy of calling the current conflict for what it stands for an act of terrorism, IDF is now leaving no stone unturned to eliminate all sources of terror- rocket launch sites and destroying the Kornet anti-tank missiles of Hamas, neutralisation of top Hamas and Islamic Jihad leaders in Gaza and terror tunnels.

Named “Operation Guardians of the Walls” the main objective of IDF is now set to destroy the network of tunnels criss-crossing the Israeli border built by Hamas after the 2014 Gazan war. Referred to as “The Metro”, tunnels are Hamas's first line of defense comprising anti-tank missile teams and mortar squads to attack the Israeli ground forces and escape the aerial strikes.

The raging conflict between Israel and Hamas is part of episodic and periodic attacks on Israel from Gaza against the existence of Jewish Majority State. Israel's stiff response is an act of reaffirming its deterrence. The current episode is no different. For the past seven years, Israel has been under constant attack from Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Iranian Revolutionary Guards in Syria.

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Contrasting trajectories of Indo-EU and Sino-EU ties

 On 8^th May, the Prime Minister, Modi held a summit meeting with EU and its 27 Member States in hybrid format in Porto after worsening Covid pandemic led to cancellation of his visit for the summit. Referred to as EU+27 Summit, it was significant for two reasons. Aside the strategic importance of it being the India-EU Leaders Meeting encompassing the leaders of all the 27 EU Members, this kind of format was convened only once earlier to meet the US President Joe Biden in February of this year.

Last year, a similar kind of Summit in hybrid format was supposed to be held with President Xi. But the Wuhan virus onslaught created new tensions and the summit was reduced to a smaller version.

The historic summit on 8^th May, which garnered international attention, came days after a precipitous down-turn in EU-China relations over the human rights issue and growing fears of buyout of European firms by the Chinese companies. On 6^th May, the European Commission’s Vice President, Valdis Dombrovskis in a press interview stated, “It’s clear in the current situation with the EU sanctions in place against China and the Chinese counter-sanctions in place .. (that) the environment is not conducive for ratification of the agreement”¹.

Pending the necessary endorsement from the European Parliament, the EU has suspended all efforts to ratify the EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) signed on 30^th December, 2020. The EU-China relations appeared to be firm-footed following the signing of the investment treaty; now seeped with ambiguity. Despite fair amount of objections from certain corners, driven by France and Germany, the EU signed investment agreement. Since then, much water has flowed and the European countries which believed in using the CAI as a leverage to change China’s behaviour became highly vocal about Beijing’s human rights policy.

In March, the EU sanctioned four Chinese officials over alleged ‘genocide’ of the Uighurs in Xinjiang province. Beijing immediately responded with retaliatory sanctions on ten European nationals, five MEP (Members of the European Parliament) and four academic institutions. Beijing’s act miffed the European legislators which came at a time the caustic war of words between the US-China delegation meetings at Alaska startled the World.

Making no effort to hide his discomfort, Josep Borrell wrote in his blog,” We may not always agree on everything in the EU, but there has been a firm, principled and unanimous rejection of these Chinese sanctions, which indeed are both disproportionate and unjustified. Clearly, this move makes our relations and cooperation more difficult”. 

Amid the environment of trust deficit, France, Germany and the Netherlands announced their Indo-Pacific strategies prompting the EU, which was adamant till last year to have EU-Indo Pacific strategy to draw its own policy. Instructively, the Council of the European Union released Council Conclusions on an EU Strategy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific in April. With Germany, UK, the Netherlands set to deploy vessels to the South China Sea later this year, the trust deficit is going to widen further.

Together, a legislation by the EU anti-trust Chief to prevent foreign take over of European assets whose values have taken a hit by pandemic, especially by the Chinese companies, and similar legislations by other European countries have also exacerbated the burgeoning ambiguity. Trump’s cantankerous attitude created ripples in the trans-Atlantic relationship which analysts believe has driven EU to sign investment treaty with China. Increasingly, now European countries are desirous of putting a united stance under the leadership of Biden’s administration against China.

Last week, at the G7 Foreign and Development Ministers meeting, France and Germany signed a joint statement endorsing Taiwan’s membership to WHO and the World Health Assembly (WHA). Taiwan thanked the G7 for the support and expectedly, China condemned the G7 for “gross interference in China’s internal affairs”².

An undercurrent of China scepticism is steadily building up in the EU. The three main political parties of the European Parliament- S&D, Renew Europe and the Greens which together account for 45% of the seats refused to debate the ratification as along as Chinese sanctions are in place³. With this the EU has put the pathbreaking China Pact on the backburner.

Though the Chinese media agencies were quick to jump in to counter the narrative stating that the EU Spokeswoman reportedly saying that EU Trade Chief Dombrovskis’s comment “has been taken out of the context”. A Chinese analyst believed that Beijing’s sanctions have stone-walled the investment deal which he believed wouldn’t pass. “China brilliantly succeeded in doing what is feared the most: to make China an object of a European political debate and above all to unite the different political sensitivities among themselves”, he said⁴.

Aside, China’s new found enthusiasm for retaliatory sanctions that have immediately irrevocably miffed the relations and brought the relations to a precipice, even its cheque-book diplomacy through the so called 17+1 platform is witnessing new frictions. Started in 2012 and believed to be a spin-off of “divide and conquer” tactics, the Eastern Summit is now showing all signs of erosion. The Eastern European nations are reportedly growing wary of China. Two Baltic nations-Estonia, Latvia, have openly snubbed the Eastern Summit and President Xi by sending low level officers to the meeting in February.

Leading the way, the Lithuanian parliament is readying to exit 17+1 with politicians advocating for closer links with Taiwan. Three Baltics- Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania signed a bilateral declaration with the US to block operation of Huawei from their territories. These nations aren’t kindly to the boorish public diplomacy of China and sanctions on Baltic diplomats for their references to China’s human rights⁵. Clearly, Beijing’s economic inducements are unable to create lasting relationships. Clearly, Democratic values and human rights issues are now emerging as the major roadblock hindering the trajectory of China-EU ties.

In sharp contrast, democratic values, freedom, rule of law and respect for human rights have bolstered engagement between India and EU providing fresh impetus for the revival of the trade talks stalled in 2013. Exuding optimism over the chance to expand the cooperation to support “effective multilateralism and a rules-based order”, ahead of the summit, Prime Minister Modi and Prime Minister Antonio Costa of Portugal which currently holds the rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union jointly penned an editorial in Politico titled- “Trade and beyond: A new impetus to India-EU partnership”⁶.

Both leaders noted that, “India’s role as a major regional and global player is set to continue to expand over the coming years, and a strengthened partnership would offer Europe an opportunity to diversify relations in a strategic region of the World”. Clearly, India’s

Building on the architecture of the 1994 Strategic Partnership, the World’s two largest democratic spaces have initiated a dialogue to ‘rebalance relations between the EU and the Indo-Pacific’. Owing to burgeoning strategic importance of Indo-Pacific region in geopolitics and geoeconomics, India has emerged as a major pillar for partnership in the region.

EU besides being a leading foreign investor in India is also the biggest trading partner and second largest destination of Indian exports. Trade between India and the EU has increased 72% in the last decade. European investments have generated 1.7 million direct and 5 million indirect jobs⁶.

With multilateralism and the Indo-Pacific region dominating the agenda, building on convergences and fostering new synergies, India and EU agreed to jointly contribute “to a safer, greener, cleaner and more digital, resilient and stable world in line with the 2030 Agenda for sustainable development and the Paris Agreement”⁷.

Through the India-EU Clean Energy and Climate Partnership both sides are deepening cooperation and collaboration on renewable energy, climate change, encourage sustainable finance and investment on climate action, tackling air and water pollution, smart and sustainable urbanisation.

Badly affected by the pandemic, both sides agreed to cooperate on resilient medical supply chains, vaccines and the Active Pharmaceutical Ingredients (APIs) and adherence to international good manufacturing standards to ensure high quality and safety of products. Despite the consensus building on the pandemic management and preparedness, both sides failed to arrive on common ground on the issue of waiver of IPR related to Covid vaccines.

To boost economic cooperation India and EU plan to hold two meeting on High-Level Dialogue on Trade and Investment and launch negotiations on stand-alone investment protection agreement and geographical indication. Determined to pursue digital transformation, India and EU agreed on deep technological cooperation on global digital standards and network security, Quantum and High- Performance computing.

The most important outcome is the announcement of sustainable and comprehensive connectivity partnership which is transparent, viable affirms to shared values of democracy, freedom and that upholds international law and aims at enhancing cooperation between India and EU through projects in Africa, Central Asia and Indo-Pacific to build digital, energy, transport and people to people connectivity. As a precursor to connectivity agenda, comprehensive cooperation on Mobility and Migration is mooted. In line with the EU’s Indo-Pacific Agenda, India and EU besides holding inaugural dialogue on maritime security, welcomed cooperation between the Indian Navy and EUNAVFOR Atalanta in the Indo-Pacific region.

In tune with changing strategic global contours, the EU is swiftly recognising the prominence of India as a responsible power in the Indo-Pacific region. Responding to these developments, CCP’s propaganda machinery, the Global Times published an article, “India put on table by EU as ‘backup plan’ for trade; side-lining China only ‘wishful thinking’” expressing its derision. It read, “however, it is becoming crystal clear to Western media and experts that such interaction between India and Europe shares another goal: to side-line or confront China, particularly when the China-Europe relationship has been souring due to growing tensions after the EU took a harsh stance on China’s Xinjiang-related issues, which also apparently weighed on ratifying the China-EU investment deal”⁸.

The historic India-EU summit is significant in many ways, not for the high-sounding moral epitaphs’ in the Joint Statement. But this event reflected the change in tenor and posture of the EU towards India, which in part can be attributed to New Delhi’s sustained diplomatic efforts but also to EU’s increasing tensions with China. EU’s Indo-Pacific strategy is thus an effort to balance the polarising power in the region. India, on the other hand in response to China’s challenge is investing on building alternate resilient supply chains, increasing domestic capacities and strengthening partnerships for a multipolar world.  

India’s political and diplomatic investments are now yielding fruits. Thanks to India’s health diplomacy, European countries have rallied around and supplied much needed supplies as the country battled the second wave. French President Emmanuel Macron’s statement, India doesn’t need to be “lectured from anyone” on vaccine supplies, sums up the kind of good will India has accumulated.

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Rooted in shared interests and shared values, Modi and Johnson reimagine Indo-UK ties

 Firm on reinvigorating the India-UK ties, UK Foreign Secretary visited India last year December to lay ground after UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson accepted India’s invitation to be Guest of Honour for the Republic Day Celebrations. He announced about “Enhanced Trade Partnership” on cards. Escalation of the pandemic forced the cancellation and hindered Johnson’s biggest post-Brexit outreach. His visit which was re-scheduled for April 25^th was stalled after UK added India to Red List owing to grim pandemic situation. Overcoming the corona jinx, leaders held a virtual summit on May 4^th.

The pandemic hasn’t dimmed the spirits. On the contrary, it has become one of the prime pillars of cooperation. Galvanised by the successful production of Covid vaccine developed by Oxford-AstraZeneca in India by Serum Institute, leaders have agreed to prioritise collaboration through Joint Working Group on Health and Life Sciences and agreed to establish frame work of cooperation- India-UK Action Plan of Health and Life Sciences. As a good will gesture, as a token of friendship, in response to the ravaging pandemic, UK rushed Covid supplies to India ahead of the virtual summit.

Engaged in a strategic partnership since 2004, India and UK have now elevated the relationship to Comprehensive Strategic Partnership and launched the “Roadmap 2030, India-UK Future Relations” to nurture strategic convergences in sync with the realities of the global challenges. Ambitious Road map, instituted to serve as a guide for multi-faceted ties for a period of 10 years proposed an upgrade of institutional mechanisms. This will include annual review of implementation by the Foreign Ministers, Economics and Financial Dialogue, Economic and Trade Dialogue and Strategic Dialogue besides the regular biennial Summit meets.

For long, the Indo-UK ties lagged behind as compared to New Delhi’s ties with other western countries. Perceptions through the colonial prism, inherent anti-India biases, colonial prejudices and the Britain’s Pakistan’s tilt have abraded Indo-UK relations. Currently the 1.6 million Brits of Indian Origin population and account for 6% of the GDP is serving as a “dynamic living bridge” between both countries.

Putting rest to all the inherent biases and the recent trend of inter-regional conflicts in South Asian turning into guiding factors of the Britain’s foreign policy calculus, Johnson reiterated strong intent to deepen bilateral ties. In an interview to TOI¹, Johnson stated that he is looking for “a relationship that is much greater than the sum of its part” over the next decade. He added, “the UK-India relationship is a modern partnership of equals”. By infusing new trust, Johnson has certainly attempted to harness the potential of shared values of both countries for global good.

Guided by the strong political will of Modi and Johnson, leaders have charted a framework to expand the breadth of multi-faceted strategic partnership in science, education, research, innovation, space, ICT and industrial collaboration.

Driven by post-Brexit economic challenges and 10% increase in bilateral trade in 2019² to 24 billion GBP leaders announced ETP to unlock the economic potential of cooperation for the private companies. India is the second largest FDI source in UK after US and UK is second fastest growing G-20 investors in India. UK moved out of EU and India refused to join China centered-RCEP are eager to step up economic partnership.

The ETP will lay ground for negotiations of a comprehensive free trade agreement and plans to reach scoping phase of FTA before the end of 2021³. Setting an ambitious target of doubling the bilateral trade by 2030, countries will now work towards removing market access barriers through the Joint Working Group on Trade.

Among the biggest outcomes of the summit has been the decision to deepen defence and security cooperation and finalisation of the new logistics MoU. Under Defence and International Security Partnership (DISP) unveiled in 2015, India and UK resolved to expand and enhance cooperation in cyber, defence and maritime collaboration and also support for “Make in India” initiative. UK has decided to determine as how it can help India’s Indigenous Light Combat Air MK2 program under Combat Air Collaboration.

India has recently raised FDI cap in defence to 74% and UK is keen on exploring tremendous opportunities in defence cooperation discussed about collaboration on key military technologies in combat aircraft, maritime propulsion systems.

To strengthen operational coordination during the deployment of UK’s Queen Elizabeth Carrier Strike Group later this year, countries agreed to hold joint exercises. India has agreed to inviting UK’s Liaison officer to India’s Information Fusion Centre⁴.  Under the new maritime dialogue, India and UK besides promoting freedom of navigation, open access will enhance maritime cooperation through Grey and Whitewater shipping information sharing.

In March, UK has released an Integrated Review of Security, Defence, Development and Foreign which underscored the importance of Indo-Pacific for UK’s security. Partnership with India, a vital pillar of Indo-Pacific is thus indispensable for UK to realise its strategic aspirations in the region. Championing the idea of Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP), India is engaging with its partners in the region through Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI) to maintain peace stability and safety. UK is now exploring the potential for cooperation under IPOI. UK is now the fourth European Country to have announced Indo-Pacific agenda.

Owing to India’s reputation as world leader of Climate Action, UK espoused interest to work with New Delhi on climate change and low carbon transmission through a new partnership in renewables and green hydrogen. Both countries have agreed to launch India-UK Partnership on Forests, announce Green Grids Initiative at the UN Climate Summit COP-26 and to promote climate resilient infrastructure through a new facility for Small Island Developing States under Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure.

Countries have signed Migration Mobility Partnership (MMP) that will facilitate legal migration of skilled professionals aged 18-30 and in return India has agreed to take back illegitimate migrants in UK. Migration has been one of the major irritants in Indo-UK ties and Theresa May’s restrictive policy on immigration rankled Indians and underwhelmed her visit to India in 2016. A friendly Visa regime of Johnson is bound to instil more trust and boost trade ties.

Countries signed Nine MoUs which included a declaration for launch of ETP, Global Innovation Partnership, Migration and Mobility Partnership, fields of Digital and technology, ICT, Customs Cooperation, India Energy Security Scenario Calculator, medical products regulation and pharmacopeial cooperation⁵.

After the conclusion of summit meet, Johnson tweeted, “the UK and India share many fundamental values. The UK is one of the oldest democracies, and India is the World’s largest. We are both committed members of the Commonwealth. And there is a living bridge uniting the people of our countries”.

“In the last week, the British people have stepped up in their thousands to support our Indian friends during this terrible time in a demonstration of the deep connection between the UK and India”, he said. “This connection will only grow over the next decade as we do more together to tackle the World’s biggest problems and make life better for our people. The agreements we have made today mark the beginning of a new era in the UK-India relationship”⁶.

Modi tweeted, “Had a productive Virtual Summit with my friend UK PM Boris Johnson. We adopted an ambitious Roadmap 2030 for elevating India-UK ties to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership”^6.

India-UK summit has come at a strategic juncture when UK has grown wary of China’s stifling of Hongkong’s autonomy, designation the Uighur containment as genocide has decided to remove Huawei 5G by 2027. China’s inimical global ambitions are yet another reason why UK and even European countries are looking up to India. Besides India’s huge market potential, demography, New Delhi has been consistently repelling Beijing’s offensive.

Amid the geopolitical and strategic geo-economic realignments, India and UK displayed new dynamism to transform and revive ties mired in prejudices. Underscoring the importance of multipolar word, a coalition of middle countries is coming up to belie fears of a return of Cold war era. Addressing mobility and trade, the two major bottlenecks, Modi and Johnson infused new energy by laying down mutually beneficial terms of endearment. A stable economic partnership is indispensable to weather politically motivated discontentment. By prioritising trade and finding common ground on various global challenges, leaders have revitalised the trajectory of India-UK ties.

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