The much-awaited assembly elections results for the states of
Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh went in favor of BJP. With this latest electoral
triumph, the tally of the BJP ruled states has reached 19. The mainstream media,
mincing no words summarized the results as an “electoral victory” for the BJP and “moral victory” for the Congress. Of the two elections, political
establishment of the country and the media bestowed unprecedented attention
towards Gujarat elections terming it as litmus test for BJP. Owing to a series
of resplendent electoral victories and the ability to form governments, the winning
partnership of Prime Minister Modi and BJP president Amit Shah garnered much
attention. With Gujarat being home turf of BJP’s wining duo with an enviable
election winning spree, the assembly polls by consequence are regarded as a
barometer to assess the popularity of BJP. Also, ever since Modi’s ascent to
power, every other election be it a panchayat election or an assembly election,
performance of BJP is closely monitored terming it as referendum on Modi. The
novel trend of dissecting the polls as a measure of gauging the mileage and
ground presence of BJP has become a norm after the NDA-2’s ascension.
Consequently, the never-ending saga of polls across India and its vivisection
has become a new vocation of sorts for political party apologists.
BJP won both the state elections convincingly. While a
sweeping victory of BJP in Himachal Pradesh is hardly endorsed as a measure of
Modi’s pan-India influence, a clear majority in Gujarat was derided. Attributing
the decrease in the numbers of seats won as waning of Modi’s influence,
Congress leaders proclaimed, “whatever
the election results, the Congress and Rahul Gandhi are real winners”. The
verdict which came two days after Rahul Gandhi’s coronation as the President of
Congress party, is now regarded as a great revival since strike rate of
Congress compared to 2012 elections increased by 9 points. With general
elections less than two years away, electoral verdict is now critically
analyzed to assess plausible outcomes of 2019. But ideally, vote share in
assembly elections can’t be extrapolated to interpret pan-Indian elections
since voting pattern in states based on local issues. Nearly 12% of voters who
voted for Congress in Gujarat indicated their preference for BJP in general
elections. Hence comparing the vote share of assembly elections as against
general elections are counterproductive.
Clearly, a win for BJP in Gujarat reaffirmed that Modi is still
the most admired leader of India. Despite a decrease in the number of seats won
in Gujarat, vote share of BJP increased to 49.1%. Usually 49% vote share
fetches a two-third or even three-fourth majority in elections. It must be
recalled that with a vote share of 41.35% in UP assembly elections, BJP obtained a
three-fourth’s majority in a multi-party contest. Gujarat had a two-party
cornered contest. In the current elections, BJP and Congress registered an increase
in vote share due to decimation of the Keshubhai fraction which contested last
year. Interestingly, an increased vote share failed to translate into number of
seats won. Additionally, while the victory margins were huge for BJP, it lost
seats with narrow margins. Further, demographic statistic too played a crucial
role. The regions where Congress witnessed a swing were least populated meaning
a small swing translated into huge gains in terms of seats won. Though BJP failed
to reach the three-digit mark, its victory in Gujarat is truly historic for it
has managed to come to power for a phenomenal sixth time in a row. Despite a
22-year anti-incumbency, farmer distress, farmer loan waiver issues, patidar
agitation, disturbing financial reforms like demonetization and GST, BJP pulled
off a major victory which is no mean effort. The situation truly confounds
worst fears of a democracy, of BJP’s near complete decimation of opposition.
On the other hand, the defeat of Congress, which it fails to
admit is its consecutive 7th loss in a row. Congress last formed
government in Gujarat in 1985 and the prospect of reclaiming power still eludes
the grand old party. Ironically, the Congress instead of contemplative
introspection, bolstered by its marginally better performance is hell bent on
undermining BJP’s win. Indeed, the recently concluded elections could have been
Congress’s best bet to tap the disenchantment of the Gujaratis. Instead of
attacking the BJP for failing to address the farmers distress, it frittered
away a propitious opportunity by indulging in divisive politics and plummeting
the political discourse to a new low. Obsessed with divisive strategies, it
roped in aggrieved local leaders, Patidar leader Hardik Patel, OBC leader
Alpesh Thakor and Dalit leader Jignesh Mevani to contest Gujarat elections. It
not only failed to offer prospective policies or a vision document for a better
Gujarat, but invariably relied on divisions of the society. In part, the new gains accrued by Congress have
been sudden shift of allegiance of a section of patidars in rural areas. Adorning
the veil of soft Hindutva and the dubious temple runs have been part of
Congress party’s poll exercise. Indian political establishment for long
categorized any party catering to Hindu aspirations as communal. Perhaps, new
amendments might now be brought into such categorization with Congress suddenly
making fresh overtures to appease Hindus.
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