To resuscitate traditional cultural links and infuse momentum
to the Neighborhood First” Policy, Prime Minister Modi embarked on a two-day
state visit to Sri Lanka. On his second visit to Sri Lanka, Prime Minister
participated in the 14th International Vesak Day celebrations. Vesak
Day marks the birth, enlightenment and demise of Buddha. Sri Lanka is hosting
the International Vesak Day, recognized by the UN for the first time. Back in
1999, India lent support to Sri Lankan proposal introduced by Sri Lankan
foreign minister Lakshman Kadirgamar at the UN. Buddhist culture, identity and
ideology are integral to Buddhist majority country of Sri Lanka. The current
edition of Vesak celebrations presided by Modi as chief guest was themed on the
“Buddhist teachings for social justice and sustainable World peace” attended by
representatives from 85 countries. In his opening remarks, Modi conveyed
greetings on behalf of 1.25 billion people to Sri Lanka and extolled the shared
culture of Buddhism that brings societies together. He also lauded Sri Lankan
efforts in preserving the Buddhist elements of Buddhist heritage. He reiterated
that a great opportunity of achieving quantum jump in expanding the bilateral
partnership across different sectors has arrived. Signaling India’s interest of
becoming a partner in Sri Lankan progress and development, Modi promised to
join hands for common goals. He also announced that Air India will operate
flights between Varanasi, place where Buddha delivered first sermon to Colombo.
For decades, India gravely undermined the significance of
strengthening cooperation with immediate neighbors at its own risk. While
British India had an unparalleled engagement with all countries in the
subcontinent, after independence, bogged down by internecine wars, India failed
to crave an impactful foreign policy. India pertinently clung to claims of
sub-continent as its sphere of influence but failed to ramp up the narrative
with plausible economic cooperation. The inward-looking fledging India
religiously rooted in philosophy of self-reliance, not only crippled India’s
economy but stymied the potential of ramping up economic cooperation with
regional neighbors. By the time, India could wake up from its deep slumber,
Chinese economy was kicking and making new inroads into markets of the
sub-continent. Further, ideological posturing and trans-border conflicts,
significantly dented India’s engagement with regional neighbors. Besides,
cumulative neglect of successive Indian governments grossly demerited India’s
aspirations of prevailing in its sphere of influence. Modi government having
realized India’s eroding geo-economic influence in the region have instituted
the “Neighborhood First Doctrine”.
Ill-conceived foreign policy decisions, together with
inopportune intervention under domestic political duress severely damaged
India’s relations with its next-door neighbor Sri Lanka. The accumulated burden
of distrust over decades took a toll on the bilateral relations. Prolonged
neglect and absence of concerted efforts to resurrect ties prompted Sri Lanka
to slowly slip into Chinese orbit. Sri Lanka battling decades long civil war
was determined to bring it to conclusion. But New Delhi which was averse to Sri
Lankan strategy of crushing the LTTE with an iron-hand circumventing human
rights. President Rajapaksa shifted allegiances to China for finances and advanced
weapons even as India offered necessary assistance for de-mining, rail and road
construction and housing in Jaffna. Ever since Sino-Sri Lankan relations began
to deepen. China under the guise of extending developmental assistance for
restructuring economy eventually clinched major contracts. As the economic
cooperation intensified, Sri Lanka evolved as a crucial hub for China’s Maritime
Silk Route. Indian establishment refused to construe the crux of this massive
Chinese outreach until a Chinese nuclear submarine docked at Sri Lankan port in
October 2014. Panicky India, reminded Sri Lanka of the modalities of Indo-Sri
Lankan accord. But the defiant Rajapaksa chose to ignore.
India waited for results of the Presidential elections 2015,
to revive Indo-Sri Lankan relations beleaguered by Indian insensitivity to Sri
Lankan nationalism and mired in distrust.
With pro-Indian leader Maithripala Sirisena, emerging victorious in the
elections, Delhi intensified engagement with Colombo. President Sirisena as a
first port of call visited India in February 2015. Modi created a history by
visiting Sri Lanka after 28 years paving way for high level diplomatic
exchanges. Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe and President Sirisena made
three trips to India since 2015 elections. Economic cooperation topped the
agenda of Modi’s first visit. India extended $300 million credit line and both
countries signed four agreements.
Honoring invitation of President Sirisena to be part of
International Vesak Day Celebrations, Modi made his second visit to Sri Lanka
where he made attempts to obliterate deeply entrenched negative perceptions
towards India. Religiously sticking to the objective of reviving traditional relations
with Sri Lanka, no MoU’s were signed nor economic cooperation was broached.
Modi opened a 150-bed multi-specialty hospital for Tamil tea plantation workers
of Indian Origin at Dickoya, unveiled a plaque commemorating the setting up of
faculty of Kandyan Dance at the Sri Lankan International Buddhist Academy
constructed with Indian assistance. Modi addressed the Indian origin people at
Dickoya and recalled the contributions of Indian origin Tamil-community in Sri
Lanka. He said that “diversity calls for celebration and not confrontation.
Sinhala and Tamil people and languages existed harmoniously. We need to
strengthen not separate the threads of unity and harmony”. He also prayed at
the golden-roofed famous Kandy temple where tooth relic of Buddha was
preserved. By and large, the visit was devoid of any bilateral talks and purely
rooted at rebuilding ties and projecting India as a sustainable partner in
development.
Modi’s visit to Sri Lanka was preceded by Sri Lankan Prime
Minister Wickramasinghe’s Delhi trip where both countries signed MoU’s with a
promise of economic cooperation in various sectors. One of the agreement, where
India was given rights to develop and use of WW-II era oil tanks farms with 99
storage tanks in Trincomalee area was strictly opposed by the trade unions of
Ceylon Petroleum Corporation. Interestingly, this is not a new deal but was
signed two decades ago. The agreement is now part of the Mega Memorandum of
Understanding on Economic cooperation that covers energy, infrastructure,
roads, power, agriculture and fisheries. In short, the agreement aims to
develop Trincomalee area into a hydrocarbon hub. It now emerges that the opposition to this
agreement was propped up by former President Rajapaksa who threatened to
welcome Modi with black flags. Further he alleged that Sri Lankan government is
“selling out” to India. Orchestrated opposition of former President is on
expected lines for his decade long meandering into Chinese orbit left Sri Lanka
neck deep in debt. According to an estimate, 95% of Sri Lankan revenues now goes
towards debt repayment. To stave off domestic suspicions Trincomalee project
will be overlooked by Japan-India-Sri Lanka Joint working group.
Although Buddhism was an important part of Indian diplomacy
since 1950, India realized the importance of the same at the turn of the
decade. From the inception, Modi bequeathed
special emphasis to various parameters of soft diplomacy, which has been
a defining feature of Modi doctrine. Right from internationalizing Yoga to
roping in sister country agreements with Kyoto and Brisbane, soft diplomacy has
been the unmissable trait of Modi’s foreign policy. Modi invoked Buddhist
connect on his visit to Vietnam even.
India can never match scale and extent of Chinese investments
nor compete with unassailable lead commanded by the Dragon. India is cognizant
of these practical realities. Modi’s brain child-South Asian Satellite (SAS)
and the Buddhist bridge may not immediately reap gains but determined and
persistent efforts to revitalize old ties might bolster India’s image as a stabilizing
regional power. This perception might augur well for India’s aspirations to
emerge as a viable economic power eventually.
In this context, Sri Lanka refusing to allow Chinese submarines to dock
in Colombo coinciding with Modi’s visit to the island can be chalked as
diplomatic victory as of now. But this
should be taken with a pinch of salt, as Prime Minister Wickramasinghe is all
set to travel Beijing for attending first BRI (Belt Road Initiative) summit.
Unlike China, Indian ties with Sri Lanka can never be defined by economic
cooperation as the historical connects predisposes India to play a larger role.
C. V. Vigneswaran, Chief Minister of Northern province, home to India origin
Tamils indicated that India is a guarantor of Sinhala Tamils. He appealed that
India should push for implementation of 13th amendment of Sri Lankan
constitution and suggested that New Delhi should consider developing Palaly
airport, Kankesanthusian (KKS) harbor and start ferry service from Dhanushkodi.
Indo-Sri Lankan ties were mired in several ambiguities and disagreements,
nevertheless Modi made an earnest effort for sustained engagement. Certainly,
the template of shared heritage catalyzing bilateral ties is an imaginative
diplomacy.
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