Book Review- Husain Haqqani’s India Vs Pakistan: Why can’t we just be friends?

Husain Haqqani, former Pakistani ambassador to US and Sri Lanka, adviser to four Pakistan Prime ministers and an expert on India-Pakistan bilateral issues recently authored a book: India Vs Pakistan: Why Can’t we just be friends?. The book was widely quoted in the Indian media for its scintillating revelations that shed light on Pakistan’s involvement in Mumbai attacks. The author formally disclosed that former ISI Chief, Lt. Gen. Shuja Pasha shortly after Mumbai attacks on his visit to Washington in December 2008, has admitted that planners of 26/11 were their people during meetings with CIA counterpart General Michel Hayden. Pakistani General further added that planners included “retired Pakistan military officers and retired intelligence officers”  indicating that the attackers has links to ISI but quickly dismissed that the operation was not authorized by ISI. Pakistan’s duplicity was reinforced by General Hayden in his book, “Playing to the Edge”. Besides, this book the conversations were referred in two more books earlier. These include the personal memoirs of Condoleezza Rice, US National Security Adviser and in Obama Wars, written by Bob Woodward. These revelations have not only corroborated Indian claims and evidences that essentially reveal Pakistan’s hand but also unmasked the veil of ignorance dawned by Islamabad. While the revelations are just a tip of iceberg, Haqqani in this book unequivocally addressed the reasons for the pathological hatred of Pakistan towards India and how the narrow space of bilateral friendship have been shrinking for the past seven decades.

Haqqani who was facing the charges of treason for allegedly writing to US Admiral Mike Mullen (aftermath of US raid in Abbottabad to track down Osama bin Laden) seeking for direct US intervention in an event of armed coup against the Pakistani civilian government. Indicted for Memogate, Haqqani was forced to resign as ambassador and is now director of South and Central Asia at Hudson Institute, Washington. He authored two books earlier: Magnificent Delusions: Pakistan, The US and an Epic History of Misunderstanding and Pakistan between Mosque and Military. In his new work, released on June 4^th, he prudently avoided rich details of various milestones that heralded the Indo-Pakistan relations. Instead, he logically tried to address various aspects that plagued the bilateral ties and stalled the blossoming of engagement into friendly partnership. Lamenting the state of affairs with Pakistan slowly gaining traction on the global platform for its anti-Indianess, the neighboring countries, separated by partition are on verge of becoming avenged enemies.

Over the course of past seven decades, both nations had ample opportunities to redress their animosities, misunderstandings but overpowered by mistrust and lack of cooperation both neighbors gravely missed the recourses. By embracing the two-nation theory Jinnah inevitably sparked the creation of Pakistan solely based on religion. Further the communal friction and carnage associated with partition left an indelible mark on Pakistan. While author elucidates that Jinnah aspired that India and Pakistan should maintain an association that exists between US and Canada, mired in anti-Indianness and entrenched in hatred towards Hindus, Pakistan grossly failed to foster friendly ties with India. As a matter of fact, the problems between the nations have emanated from the Pakistan’s pathological obsession and hatred towards India. While Pakistan claims that Kashmir is the root cause for all the problems, in reality Kashmir is rather the symptom of the troubles. Despite the passionate appeals of Gandhi who strongly condemned the two-nation doctrine, that advocated division of a nation on basis of religion, Partition was consummated. Gandhi even forewarned that India and Pakistan might eventually end up as perpetual enemies.  Truly, over seven decades, issues had bred “fear psychoses” among people. While both nations are to be blamed for the current state of affairs, Pakistan’s avowed animosity towards India has complicated the situation beyond repair.

Muslim League hell bent on partition, were largely convinced that a state carved on religious lines would resolve the predilections of majority and minority community. They welcomed the legislation on partition approved by Mountbatten. Congress on the other hand, condemned the resolution and argued that it can be a “temporary solution” and reaffirmed the territorial integrity of Indian sub-continent. But had to cede ground to the new legislation 62 ahead of independence. Most of the Pakistani leaders, post-partition reinterpreted Congress resolution as India’s desire to undo the partition. These apprehensions were strongly perpetuated and Bangladesh’s liberation fanned this false doctrine. Had India aggressively pursued the false doctrine, it should have annexed the East Pakistan (later Bangladesh). Further any reference to shared culture, history and values too fuelled wild fears in Pakistan as they were deemed to “erode the identity of Pakistan’s nationhood”. Together these false narratives, angst of partition and a deep-seated pursuit to remain an Islamic nation kindled Pakistan’s animosities against India. Moreover, to create an identity for itself among the coterie of nations, Pakistan virtually embraced the principles of Islam and condoned Hinduism. Even the political leaders and military officials slowly moved away from the secularist ideology propounded by Jinnah and assimilated religious ideology.

Indeed Kashmir has turned into bone of contention between both the countries as Pakistan believed that according to the two-nation doctrine, the Muslim majority provinces should have been part of Pakistan. All the 14 Muslim majority provinces (princely states) within the territory or contiguous to Pakistan failed to accede except for Swat at the time of independence. Eventually all of them joined Pakistan except for Balochistan which was forcibly annexed by Pakistan in 1948. On the contrary except for six of the 548 princely states all of them acceded to India Union. The six included Travancore, Bhopal, Jodhpur, Junagadh, Hyderabad and Jammu and Kashmir. All the states except Jammu and Kashmir were Hindu majority and eventually all of them fell in line and joined Indian Union. Kashmir ruled by Hindu ruler, Hari Singh initially signed a Standstill agreement with Pakistan to buy time while India wanted no less than a legalized formal agreement. Downcast by Indian leadership agility to coerce princely states, Muslim League politicians launched an attack on Kashmir with tribal leaders from the neighboring Afghanistan. Panicked Hari Singh then signed Instrument of Accession with India on October 26^th 1947. By the end of 1948 war, 35% of province was in hands of Pakistan, 48% under Indian Union and the remaining area now is controlled by China. Nehru sought intervention of UN which constituted the Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) that called for a plebiscite in the province to honor the right of self-determination of Kashmiri people. But indeed plebiscite couldn’t be held till today as Pakistan failed to comply the conditions set by UN. In the meanwhile, India slowly legalized the accession process. By 1952 the accession was ratified by Jammu Kashmir Constituent Assembly and India created a provision in the Indian constitution to accord special status to Jammu and Kashmir province making it an integral part of India. As per the two nation theory, Pakistan argues that it has claims over Kashmir. With reference to Kashmir, Haqqani elaborates that Jinnah proclaimed that “Kashmir is the jugular vein of Pakistan”. Despite its obsession, Pakistan is hamstrung by its inability to evolve a concrete strategy to accomplish its mission. Due to its dubious approaches Pakistan lost international support too. By and large Pakistan began to slowly rely on the irregular warfare (stirring rebellion in Kashmir in 1947) adopted by Pakistan just months after partition till today. It began to finance the nefarious activities of the militants under the ruse of jihadi ideology. In 1965, Pakistan initiated the hostilities across the borders by pushing infiltrators into India leading to escalation of tensions which eventually precipitated into a full-fledged war.  Subsequently, this resulted in the replacement of the India-Pakistan passport that facilitated easy movement of men and material between the countries with international passport making visa requirements mandatory.

Aside Kashmir issue, the major bickering for Pakistan has been its obsession to seek parity with India especially on military front. After partition, while India followed non-aligned policy, Pakistan tried to woo US and began milking the major super power for advanced armory, weapons and financial aid in return for strategic favors of containing the spread of communism in the sub-continent. It also ambitiously pursued its mission Kashmir by escalating strives and fomenting jihadi ideology. It instigated Kashmiri youth and continued to expedite unabated nurturing of militancy. Having driven Russia out of the region through its insidious terror operations, Pakistan believed that it can wage similar low-cost irregular warfare against India. While the insurgencies and terror attacks were initially confined to Kashmir, bolstered by animosity, Pakistan wanted to bleed India by thousand cuts. The terror network powered and patronized by Pakistan army soon began to proliferate its branches across various parts of India and partially succeeded in inflicting major wounds to India. Humiliated by the loss of its eastern wing, Pakistan fomented trouble in bordering Punjab by financially aiding Khalistan movement. Though Pakistan claims that India has been carrying out similar covert operations in Balouchistan, till now it failed produce any evidence against the RA&W of India.

Besides, amassing advanced conventional war weaponry, Pakistan clandestinely developed its nuclear program. India strongly believed in the nuclear non-proliferation and questioned the rationale of big nations that accumulated nuclear stock piles. Though India was against nuclear arms race, India hasn’t ruled out use of nuclear energy for civilian purposes. With China carrying out nuclear test in 1964 India was forced to change its stance. Fresh from the defeat of Indo-Sino war in 1962, India began to work on nuclear weapons and refused to sign the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT). Pakistan too refused to sign NPT. India conducted first nuclear test in 1974. With India developing nuclear weapons, citing “Indian threat” Pakistan embarked on the nuclear program and secretly obtained reactors from China. In 1998, India conducted second set of nuclear tests. Pakistan didn’t lag behind. Within a month, it tested six such weapons against India’s five to signify that it is no less than its bigger neighbor. When India sealed Civil nuclear treaty with US in 2005 it sought similar arrangement with US. After the Bangladesh Liberation war of 1971, humiliated by defeat, Z.A. Bhutto exhorted that “We will eat grass, but we will get of our own. We have no choice”. Under the broader narrative of Pakistan nationalism, scientists and engineers were motivated to develop nuclear weapons. Unlike other countries that developed nuclear weapons to deter enemies Pakistan’s continues to justify nuke production as a counter to Indian attacks. By this logic, with acquisition of nukes Pakistan’s insecurity should have vanished. But even now it repeatedly luxuriates in existential threat of India. While India avowed no first use of nukes, Pakistan made no concessions and has been covertly stalling India’s attempts to gain entry into various nuclear regimes.

The crux of the India-Pakistan problems is inveterately linked to resolution of Kashmir issue. But with both parties unable to reach a common ground the issue may remain unresolved in the near future. Realizing the need for building trust, good will and understanding, India made fervent appeals to Pakistan that both countries must strengthen economic ties, cultural ties and facilitate people to people movement. But Pakistan army is strictly averse to any such confidence building measures and resolutely persistent on finding solution for Kashmir dispute. Despite former Chinese President Jiang Zemin’s advice of putting off Kashmir issue temporarily to “build normal state-to-state relations”, Pakistan obsessed with India may never relent. Pakistan’s carnal hatred towards India is indeed now badly affecting regional stability. While the onus of dispute resolution lies with both countries, the obdurate attitude of Pakistan is complicating the issue.

Haqqani in his book clearly chalked out various measures that should be adopted to reach an agreement over the seven decade old dispute that is roiling the peace and stability of the region. By conveniently dividing the issue into succinct chapters that are the heart of bilateral animosities, Haqqani explained the problem in a nutshell. By and large, we Indians, largely view Indo-Pakistani relations through an Indian prism, reading the facts enunciated by a Pakistani counterpart might offer solutions with newer perspective.

 

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