International Fleet Review (IFR) at Visakhapatnam from Feb 4th-
8th drew international attention for enthusiastic participation of
World Navies. Fleet review has been an old maritime tradition where the head of
the state would review the naval fleet. The provenance associated with the
British was emulated by India with the first one being organized in 1953. So
far 11 fleet reviews were held and the recently concluded second edition of IFR
at Visakhapatnam generated a renewed sense of euphoria both in Indian public
and international community. India hosted 29 countries during the first IFR held
at Mumbai in 2001. The second edition conducted by the Eastern seaboard was a
grand visual spectacle with ships from over 50 countries performing
awe-inspiring orchestrated feats in tandem. Of the 100 naval vessels, 71 were
from Indian Navy (37 indigenously-built), 24 warships of foreign countries and
ships from Coast Guard, Merchant Navy and Survey vessels enlivened the majestic
fleet review. Indian fleet reviews occurs once during the tenure of a
president. Fleet reviews in general connotes battle readiness and symbolizes nation’s
maritime strength. Ideally during IFR, the host country would display its
maritime capabilities and attempts to build ‘bridges of friendship’ with other
maritime nations (1).
IFR symbolizes India’s new salience and signals advent of new
era in maritime diplomacy. The event eventually boosted India’s role as a net
security provider in the Indian Ocean Region. Under Modi India has displayed a
renewed enthusiasm to reconnect with the world. Purging off self-imposed
isolationism, India now aspires to occupy a distinguished place in the regional
and global missions. Till now, India as a front runner in disaster management,
rescue and humanitarian crisis won laurels from various countries. With the
official theme IFR, United through Oceans, India intends to foster regional
stability, multilateral collaboration and interoperability through good will
and trust. IFR 2016 was reviewed by the supreme commander of armed forces the
President. President after the traditional 21-gun salute and the ceremonial
guard of honor embarking on the Presidential yacht INS Sumitra reviewed various
formations of naval vessels. Major highlights of the display included a
fly-past that had 15 formations of 45 aircrafts and the ethereal presence of
prestigious aircraft carriers INS Vikramaditya, latest acquisition from Russia
and the oldest carrier INS Viraat.
Maritime power includes two major aspects: maritime
cooperation between coastal navies and defending maritime domain. Seas are the
arteries of global trade and currently over 90% of global trade occurs through
seas. Aptly so, 21st century is referred to as Century of seas highlighting
the enormity of maritime domain. India has become world’s Centre of gravity in
maritime domain since 66% of World’s oil, 50% of world’s container traffic and
33% of world’s cargo pass through the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). Nearly 80% of
the trade that emanates from this region moves to Pacific and Atlantic Oceans.
Any obstruction in this region will have spiraling consequences on the global
economies too. Interestingly unlike the aerial space where nations have a
sovereign right, oceans are not under any sovereign rule except for territorial
waters. While operating in Global commons (trade flowing from once Ocean to
another) aspects like safety, security and stability will be collective
responsibility of all the coastal navies. Naval cooperation is integral aspect
of global peace as operating on seas demands cooperation and collaborative
approach. India at the helm of the Indian Ocean Region has an immense role in
harnessing the naval cooperation to ensure that global commons are safe and
secure.Hence navies must have comprehensive maritime domain awareness to
adequately protect individual maritime interests.
India being a vital stakeholder with 90% of the trade
operating through seas, constantly monitors the deployments of other navies
closely. With a huge coast line of 7615km, several island territories and an
exclusive economic zone of over 2 million sq kms India needs a strong navy to
defend its maritime domain. To protect its vital maritime interests, India has
congenial relations with all its IOR littoral states. In fact, India regularly
holds friendly naval exercises with several big and small nations frequently to
strengthen maritime cooperation. Core aspects of maritime cooperation are
capacity building and capacity enhancement.
History is replete with chronicles where great powers endowed
with an extravagant fleet of ships exercised global control. Congruently we are
currently witnessing intense competition between reigning super power and the
emerging superpower to develop robust blue water navies. Lately, rampant
maritime terrorism an offshoot of asymmetric warfare, has been a grave threat.
Thankfully, collaborative efforts of global navies effectively curtailed the
nefarious operation of the pirates operating in the international waters. In a
unique display of naval cooperation, undeterred by border disputes Indian and
Chinese Navy have been working together since 2008 to warding off pirates
threat in the Indian Ocean. Simultaneously, defending maritime domains in
contemporary times has become extremely onerous. India paid a heavy price for a
lapse in coastal surveillance when infiltrators managed to enter Indian
Territory through water and launched the clandestine 26/11 attacks. Post Mumbai
attacks Indian navy reoriented its focus on anti-terrorism strategy by
integrating 16 different agencies working in the coastal waters and by
leveraging technology. Earlier seas were relatively benign but nowadays any
innocuous boat can pose threat. Hence safe guarding the frontiers is very
crucial. The frequent interception of foreign boats in Indian waters has been a
regular feature and last year, one Pakistani boat allegedly infiltrating
India’s maritime domain was blown away to avert insidious attacks.
Currently international waters have become regions of intense
rivalry. The Freedom of Navigation exercise by US in South China Sea,
aggressive nine-dashed line policy of China and its unabated artificial island
building activity insinuated conflicts between the nations in the region. The
proactive Chinese aggression in the East China Sea, reignited conflict between
China and Japan. Consequently, China was excluded from Japan’s IFR at Sagami
Bay. Interestingly, under the semblance of expanding connectivity, China’s
dubious penetration making new forays as per One Belt One Road (OBOR) and
Maritime Silk Route (MSR) initiatives into IOR fuelled tensions. The panoply of
naval bases built by China encircling India pumping in huge investments with it
submarines docking at Hambantota port of Sri Lanka has been a major security
concern for India. Perturbing strategic maritime expansion of China in IOR is
witnessing a constant jostle for power between the two countries. Despite
formidable provocations, by China in the spirit of new maritime strategy
launched in October 2015 (Freedom to use the Seas: India’s maritime military
strategy 2007 is replaced with Ensuring Secure Seas: Indian Maritime Security
Strategy 2015) extended invitation to China to join IFR.
Intriguingly, recent geopolitical maneuvers too are auguring
more suspicion, uncertainty and contempt. According to some reports, a Chinese
submarine was spotted in international waters near Port Blair. The Chinese
flotilla, deployed for anti-piracy mission off the coast of Africa included a
submarine, guided missile frigates (Type Jiangkai-II Class frigates PLAN
Liuzhou and PLAN Sanya and a comprehensive supply ship Qinghaihu (2). The
flotilla which is returning to China after four months of surveillance after
participating in the joint naval exercises with Pakistan in Arabian Sea and later
docked into Sri Lankan port meandered into Indian waters. Soon Indian Navy
deployed an anti-submarine warfare capable Boeing P-8I to search for the
suspected intrusion. Coincidentally during the same period Indian air craft carrier
INS Vikramaditya was dispatched to Sri Lankan port on an official mission.
Interestingly the Chinese frigates that lurked in strategic Andaman Nicobar
region participated in the IFR. While China has been a calumny aggressor, it is
highly suspicious of any joint naval exercises in its sphere of influence.
Consequently, China is miffed over Indian maritime interests in Western Pacific.
INS Sahyadri participated in the Japanese Fleet Review in Oct 2015 and later it
visited Na Trang in Vietnam. India generous inclusion of Japan in the annual
naval exercise Malabar and in the first India-Australia naval exercise (AUSINDEX)
irked China. With IFR, India rightly picked up an opportunity of extending a
hand of friendship and good will to China and invited Chinese Navy for IFR. India
has even reached out to Pakistan but Islamabad’s unfavorable diplomatic
handling resulted in a no-show.
Another core aspect of
the IFR 2016 was to demonstrate the meticulous achievements of indigenization
and also to promote the Make in India campaign. To reflect on the progress made
by Naval and its allied scientific partners, indigenously built INS Kadmatt,
the anti-submarine warfare corvette built in Kolkata was proudly displayed.
Prime Minister Modi aptly chose the occasion to reiterate that Indian Ocean
region remains New Delhi’s first priority. He drew attention to the new
maritime approach, SAGAR –Security and Growth for all in the Region where India
aims to revitalize its economy with a renewed focus on tapping the marine potential
or working towards transforming India through blue economy. A compendium
tabulating the great maritime heritage of India titled Maritime Heritage of India and in Hindi Hamari Samudri Virasat was released by Prime Minister at IFR. IFR
gave a new fillip to the biannual naval exercise Milan, hosted by Indian Navy
at Port Blair (participated by 14 countries of Asia-Pacific region) and the
Indian Ocean Symposium (IONS) (initiative seeking greater maritime cooperation
among the littoral states of IOR and includes 35 countries).
Despite commendable achievements to its account, dwindling
strength of submarines has been cause of major concern for Indian Navy. While
effective steps are taken to address this grievous situation by expediting
modernization, indigenization, acquisition of modern equipment by all accounts,
strategists still believe that Indian Navy doesn’t receive requisite emoluments
needed to build a robust blue water navy. With geopolitics reaching a hilt,
India with its formidable coastline has to indeed invest more to secure its
maritime boundaries. India must now seriously reorient defence strategies to
checkmate its belligerent neighbors by making best use of its strategic
geographic location and the lucrative sea coast.
Visakhapatnam which was devastated by the Cyclone Hudhud 14 months
ago was bestowed with the honor of hosting the International Fleet Review for
various reasons. Bay of Bengal is the largest bay in the World and the depths
of the waters at Visakhapatnam allows warships to come closer to the shore.
India is now increasingly conscious of its responsibility as a formidable power
to forge strategic alliances with other partners in the region. Indian Navy
After 26/11 Navy revamped its maritime security architecture (MSA) and acquired
the rare acumen of translating its vision into action.
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