Pakistan Cut to Size

On Dec 16^th, India celebrated the Swarnim Jayanti of Bangladesh Liberation war. The mere thought of the magnitude of victory of the 1971 Bangladesh War brings a glint of pride in every Indian’s eye. The unparalleled dominance of India in the war has been extensively studied, commented and reviewed. Every book on this war, brings a new perspective with it and adds to the existing pool of understanding about this war which has partitioned Pakistan. The book, “Pakistan cut to Size” by veteran war correspondent D. R. Manekar published in 1972 brings to fore the seamless coordination and cooperation between the different arms of Indian Defence force and delves into the contributions of the BSF, a six year old force then. Calling it the “Fourth Element”, the author talks about the crucial role played by the Border Security Force.

With impeccable brevity and eloquence, the author vividly portrays and rightly acknowledges the contributions of each and every ministry and department that has been instrumental in taking India an inch closer to a triumphant resurgence and ferocity. In line with the byline of the title of the book, “the authentic story of the 14-day Indo-Pak war”, the author lays emphasis on the pre-emptive strikes of Pakistan planned along the lines of Israel’s all out attack on Egypt. Israel’s complete annihilation of the Egyptian air power was the turning point which gave Israel a huge advantage. Replicating the same strategy, on Dec 3rd Pakistan launched a surprise attack on Indian airbases- Amritsar, Agra, Ambala, Awantipur, Bikaner, Halwara, Jodhpur, Jaisalmer, Pathankot, Burj, Srinagar, and Uttarlai under the Operation Chengiz Khan on and sounded the bugle.

But to the ignominy of Pakistan, which aimed to decimate Indian air power with the attack, Indian forces which have thoroughly studied the Israeli war tactics, managed to minimize the damage. Warranted by this provocation, Indian government ordered forces to cross the Eastern border and enter the East Bengal. Notwithstanding the initial provocation, Pakistan desperately tried to sell the idea of India as the aggressor at the UN. India demolished this false propaganda furnishing irrefutable evidence. Indeed, to escalate tension, prior to surprise attacks on the western frontier Pakistan jets attacked the Agartala base.

To avert military intervention by India in East Bengal, Pakistan’s Yayha Khan wanted to precipitate the issue at the UN. Accusing India of aggression amid the rising tide of guerilla activity in East Bengal, he wanted to demand a status quo. Backed by the US and China, Khan believed he could easily corner India. Russia exercised three vetoes throughout the episode of Pakistan’s oppression of East Bengal and repulsed Pakistan’s nefarious agenda.

As against the popular perception of India dismembering Pakistan, Yayha Khan masterminded the partition by rejecting people’s verdict and through naked tyranny. Undermining the legitimacy of a democratic elections, Khan arrested, imprisoned Sheikh Mujibhur Rahman and ruthlessly unleased force on Bengalis. To escaping the depredations of the oppressor army, Bengalis started seeking refuge in India. The trickle of Bengali migration over a period of times turned into an unending stream which in absolute numbers reached 10 million by November 1971. Piled up Bengali refugees posed a huge threat to the precarious economic situation of India and its socio-religious fabric.

Reeling under this tremendous burden, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi made a fervent appeal to the World Chancelleries. Instead of lending a sympathetic ear to Indian woes, World leaders attributed diabolical motives to India championing of Bangladesh cause. The response of cynics in the West has been, “but, why did you allow so many to come to your country? You could have stopped them at the border?” writes the author.

Even as Pakistan’s invading forces heaped unspeakable brutalities on Bangladesh, World leaders chose to side with Islamabad. As if vindicating Pakistan’s position, in May 1971, Henry Kissinger flew to Peking from Islamabad underlining a close collusion with China and Pakistan against India.

In response, India sealed a friendship treaty with Soviet Union on Aug 9^th with the article 9 of the treaty providing for consultation between the countries in case of war. On 23^rd October, as a last-ditch effort, Indira Gandhi made a world tour to seven Western capital cities only to be meted with indifference and apathy. Inexorably reiterating India’s position on Bangladesh, in an interview on Nov 2^nd, Mrs Gandhi said, “We in India are determined that we are not going to be saddled with another country’s problem. All refugees must go back”.

Finally on December 2^nd, declaring India’s resoluteness and refusal to yield to Pakistan’s game plan and in an apparent dig at the US, Mrs Gandhi stated, “Times have changed during the last five years. If any country thinks that by calling us aggressors it can pressurize us to forget our national interests then that country is living in its own paradise and it is welcome to it. Times have passed when any nation sitting 3000 to 4000 miles away could give orders to Indians on the basis of their colour superiority to do as they wished. India has changed and she is no more country of slaves. Today we will do what is best in our national interest and not what these so-called big nations would like us to do”.

Indeed, consolidating power in East Pakistan has been a pretext. Yayha Khan wanted to carve off Kashmir from India and deployed troops on Oct 12^th on the West and stoked tensions on the Western frontier. Around the same time, General AAK Niazi sealed the border of East Bengal and unleashed severe crackdown to cow down the Bengalis. This repression has intensified the resolve of Mukti Bahinis to launch guerilla attacks. They not only disrupted the communication system but shot down a Pakistan jet and sank two Pakistan warships.  By November they controlled a quarter of Bangladesh.

In the meanwhile, China declared support to Pakistan in any hostilities and inaugurated heavy machinery complex at Taxila. The nine-month period from March to December gave Indian Army time to perfectly plan and execute a strategy that gave them upper hand on both the eastern and western front. The liberation war with Pakistan in East Bengal has been a real test to Indian courage and perseverance. Recalled as “Battle of Obstacles” with a river every six miles, the army engineers emerged as the key to India’s forward movement. Engineers build pontoon bridges, put together baily and constructed long roads in matter of few hours making this an “Engineers War” as well.

India made quick gains, Navy and Airforce sealed off the East Bengal from West Pakistan and rest of the World by bombing off the runway and sinking four Pakistan war ships. Besides dispatching America’s gifted Ghazi submarine to the bottom of the seabed, Indian Navy and Airforce destroyed nearly 50% of Pakistan’s oil reserves and vanquished the Pakistan navy. Doggedly pursuing its target, India announced the recognition of Bangladesh in Parliament on Dec 6^th which is now celebrated as Maitri Diwas.

Opposing India’s move Pakistan immediately severed ties with India and US suspended $87 million economic aid. Defying the expectations of Pakistan which anticipated Indian attack along the highways, Indian forces stunned them by attacking from Tripura and travelling through the dirt tracks, marsh lands and rice fields. Paradropping troops by helicopters India extended its dominance on all the fronts- air, land and water. By Dec 10^th Major General Farman Ali Khan sent out a five-point plan for ceasefire and evacuation of West Pakistan civilians to the UN. But Yahya Khan countermanded the request on Dec 11^th. By Dec 14^th East Pakistan governor Dr AM Malin tendered his resignation.

Delaying Niazi’s appeals for ceasefire, Yahya Khan enjoined him to prevail expecting a bail out from America and China. Engulfed by Indian forces, ceding to General Mankeshaw’s surrender option, Gen AAK Niazi signed surrender papers on Dec 16^th at around 4:30 pm in presence of Lt Gen Jagjit Singh Aurora.

Pinning high hopes of trouncing Indian forces along the western frontier Yayha Khan amassed massive deployments along the border. While Pakistan gained the control of Chhamb close to Kashmir, India almost occupied 830 sq miles close to Shakargarh, south of Chhamb. By Dec 16^th, India was possession of 3000 sq miles of West Pakistan while Islamabad held 50 sq miles of Indian territory.

Aside the comprehensive overview of the geopolitical power play during the war, the book gives an account of invaluable role played by the three arms of Indian Defence, highlights the role of BSF in training the Mukti Yodhas, offering much needed succor to Bengali freedom fighters and serving as link between them and Indian sympathisers.

The author provides a brief account of the Mukti Bahini and other arms which has allied with Mukti Bahini for liberation of Bangladesh. Being a war correspondent, the book refers to various citations of World media agencies, their coverage and sheds light on Anderson paper which disclosed that President Nixon had no compunction to conclude that India was the guilty party. Indeed, US delayed Niazi’s message offering to ceasefire by 20 hours to Delhi. Underscoring American bigotry, author cites US Ambassador Mr. Kenneth Keating’s warning that if India did not, “cease aid to dissidents in East Pakistan, Pakistan would attack from the West”.

The book also enlists the ammunition and weapons provided by the West to Pakistan and tears into the dubious idealism of America, which proclaims to stand for democracy and liberty but conniving against India that stood up for these causes.

Pakistan deems every war with India as jehad. Even as World refuses to endorse this, Pakistan’s radio and television whipped up this hysteria. Creating a bizarre air of unreality, throughout the war, Pakistani army claimed that they were winning and they insisted that there were no losses whatsoever and reasoning, “in the pursuit of jehad, nobody dies. He lives forever!”

With its objectivity and frankness while India earned praise, disjointed statements and theatrical performance of Pakistan exposed its juvenility. Above all, by calling Mrs Gandhi as “that woman” and stating, “she is neither statesman or woman” Yayha Khan shocked the international community with his crude abuse and crass remarks.

Finally, by pulling troops by March 25^th 1972, India reaped the aplomb of the world by rightly standing for values. Covering much ground, this book provides a basic understanding about the 1971 Liberation War.

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Twilight in China

India and China are among the oldest civilizations of the World and always had an interesting relationship. Known to be resilient and vibrant, both the civilisations are held in high esteem till date for their rootedness. Despite the geographical proximity, Sino-Indian relations still remains a poorly researched and vastly understudied topic. With Sino-Indian standoffs becoming more frequent, posing a threat to the regional stability and peace, it is pertinent to delve into the dynamics and the chemistry of the Indo-Chinese ties. Historical underpinnings, socio-political and economic factors play a decisive role in deciphering and appreciating the contours of the relations.

Authored by the first foreign secretary of independent India, KPS Menon, the book “Twilight in China” precisely offers critical insights into how the two countries, India and China, weathered the exigencies of the geopolitical storm, the World War II and its aftermath. The book is essentially a collection of letters written towards the end of the World War II, with a brief overview to put the things into perspective. In 1942, British India established two diplomatic posts abroad-one in Washington and another in Chungkin, present day Chongqing and deputed Agent Generals Asif Ali and Sir Zafrulla Khan respectively. The choice of the first diplomatic posts started by the British inexorably point to the strategic interests of the allied powers.

Agent Generals of India are in turn expected to report to British Foreign Secretary Sir Olaf Caroe and Sir Hugh Weightman. After Zafrulla Khan left the post in 1943, KPS Menon succeeded him. Incidentally, after Jawaharlal Nehru formed the interim government in 1946, these diplomatic posts became full-fledged embassies and the Agent Generals became Ambassadors.

Deputed in China from 1943 to 1948, the book, an ensemble of Menon’s letters, documents a first account of intense internal and external turmoil faced by China, attempts to shed light on the interplay of policies of great powers. During the World War-II, China headed by the Nationalist government of Chiang Ki Shek sided with the allied powers to overthrow the Japanese. After invading Manchuria post Mukden incident in 1931, Japan extended its control over the Chinese east coast. Subsequently as the Japanese continued to breach the Chinese resistance; the government had to shift capital from Peking (Beijing) to Hankow (one of the three town which is now merged to become modern day Wuhan) to Chungking (Chongqing). By 1949 against the rising communist tide the nationalists led by Generalissimo Chiang abandoned Nanking and retreated to Canton before fleeing to Taiwan.

At a time when the World is staring at a second cold war amid increased confrontations between the US and China, the historical incidents of the World war-II documented in the book seems surreal. China was part of the Big Four that signed a short document on Jan 1^st 1942 which later on became the United Nations Declaration. Big Four included China plus the Allied power-US, UK and Soviet Union. US’s tactical alliance with China served the twin purposes of vanquishing Axis forces and extending its foot prints to the far-east. The rising Communist movement additionally prompted the US to co-opt China.

Towards the end of the World War-II when China stumbled to take on Communists, American Advisory Group (AAG) trained the Nationalist government forces to fight the communists. Besides strengthening the strangle hold over new territories and thwart the fascist regime, the mainstay of the War for the United States has been asserting ideological supremacy.

In their quest for geopolitical ambitions, the US took active interest in supporting the Nationalist government to curtail the undercurrent of communism that took Chinese people by storm. In the process, the US even transported ammunition from Manila and Okinawa to China and announced an aid of $300 million. But the Chinese considered it low and called it ‘drop in a bucket’ and US friendship undependable. Allies in their own interests spared no efforts to liberate China while Chiang concentrated on fighting the internal enemy. In fact, America poured into China many times the quantity of ammunition it supplied for war against Japan.

Moved by the plight of a badly managed Chinese economy and with a special interest in the far east, while the US extended lot of credit to China, the World and the allied powers remained unmoved by the worst Bengal famine of 1943. Indeed, wary of China’s collapse and to keep it a unified non-communist China, President Truman deputed General Marshall to China. He attempted to negotiate with -Kuomintang and Chinese Communist Party (CCP), assisted to broker ceasefire and proposed formation of unified government. But both sides failed to reach any agreement.

Exasperated by stubborn positions of both sides, Marshall leaves the US. He was replaced by General Wedemeyer, whose outspoken criticism provokes angry reactions which further resulted in a wave of anti-Americanism emotions. The end of US mediated negotiations renewed the Chinese civil war. Overpowered by guerilla tactics of Communists, the Nationalists eventually lose their bastions and finally retreat to Formosa (Taiwan). On October 1^st 1949, CCP announces the formation of Peoples Republic of China (PRC).

Menon’s wires eloquently highlight the socio-political developments in China leading up to the Civil war. Among his many observations, two main aspects are obvious: rampant corruption of the Nationalists resulting in US ammunition landing in the hands of Communists and little or no value to human life are very striking. Till date these twin features continue to riddle the Chinese society. The political system is still plagued by Corruption and the CCP’s despicable justification of official genocide of Uighurs rightly vindicates Menon’s impressions.

Menon’s critical analysis of China’s prominence in the geopolitical fulcrum during World War-II hits bullseye. Even his recommendations of the Indo-Chinese friendship for Asian solidarity makes the right noise. Suggestions to the British India of financial assistance to China saying- “Thy need is greater than mine” for building communication and rails reeked of unwarranted ingenuousness and undeserving generosity. During his five years of stay in China, Menon has cultivated excellent relations with Soong Sisters who have been influential in decision making and exerted tremendous political control.

Carrying the mantle of Chinese leadership, Chiang Ki Shek reinforced that “Destiny of China is integration of Mongolians, Manchurians and Tibetans as one”. Sadly, the Indian representative failed to assess the import of this vital pledge which has been integral to the DNA of the Han Chinese. Less than a year into the regime, even as Mao soldiers ransacked Tibet and annexed it, Menon at the helm of affairs as foreign secretary, offered a meek rationale of Britishers approving the suzerainty of China over Tibet. As an apologia, in the epilogue, he says, “India did not want to start on the wrong foot in its relations with China. It did not want to bequeath to future generations the kind of antagonism which France and Germany had inherited and which poisoned European history for centuries and turned Europe into a graveyard from time to time”.

Ironically, for all his rich lived experience in China, Menon should have alerted the Indian leadership of the consequences of a strong centralized Chinese government and its expansionist tendencies well in advance. On the contrary, despite the rude awakening of Tibet invasion, instead of adopting a hard-nosed approach, India sought umbrage of negotiations despite China’s maximalist position, spurious maps that claimed parts of Ladakh, incursions and highway construction through Aksai Chin.

Seeped in feckless idealism and lackadaisical approach while India was reluctant to recalibrate its approach, China silently extracted its pound of flesh. Indian bureaucrats including this author advocated bridging of gulf between India and China for Asian solidarity threw the basic threat to the sovereignty of the country to the wind. Thanks to the unrealistic ideological obsession, Indian diplomacy faltered at a very early stage and culminated in a humiliating defeat.

Recounting the missteps of India which led to deterioration of Indo-Chinese ties, Menon tries to defend the indefensible. He writes, “Nehru seemed personally disposed to negotiate on the frontier problem, but he gave up the idea and assumed an inflexible posture as a result of the opposition of some of his senior colleagues in the Cabinet and criticism in Parliament. The entire attitude adopted by Parliament during the crisis was unhelpful”.

He adds, “this is what happens when the Legislature tries to usurp the functions of the Executive. Some at least of the critics of our China policy were animated not so much by their burning patriotism as by their burning desire to embarrass Nehru, whose social and economic policies they disliked. And so, the very men who criticized our defence budget as unnecessarily excessive posed as the heroic advocates of the “forward policy” on the frontier”.

Hailing Nehru’s decision of taking Kashmir issue to the UN, Menon inanely remarks, “great powers would decide the issue based on its merits”. In line with his callowness, even after the 1962 Indo-China war, Menon sympathises Nehru’s leadership. It is thus a little wonder that surrounded by a coterie of yes men, unmindful of the long- term consequences Nehru has committed gravest blunders.  Among other things, while the book provides first hand information about the birth of the UN, rise of cold war, desperate Korean unification attempt, it also exposes the guilelessness, lack of tact and strategy of the bureaucrats who guided the decisions of the Indian leadership during the early days of independence.

By and large, the book captures the larger geopolitical strategies at play in this part of the World, with China as the centre stage during and in the immediate aftermath of World war-II. The book certainly makes for an interesting read for strategic affairs analysts and foreign policy enthusiasts.

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Inauguration of Kashi Vishwanath Corridor marks the revival of civilization consciousness

Kashi is inseparable from the ethos of Sanatana Dharma. Visiting Kashi at least once in a lifetime is an unwritten code for every dharmic Hindu. Kashi or Banaras is the abode of Avimukteshwar. It is believed that Bhagwan Shiva has come to Varanasi and established a residence with a pledge to not leave the place and hence the name Avimukta (means never to forsake this place). Interpreted differently it implies that Bhagwan Shiva is always present in this place. The name Avimukta which appears in Jabala Upanishad, called this place as an abode of Brahman or infinite. Indeed, considered as the city resting on the trident of Shiva, normal laws don’t apply to this place and anyone who dies in Kashi is believed to attain Moksha.

Known to exist since early vedic times, bound by river Varana and Asi rivers, the city came be to known as Varanasi. Since the city was rebuilt and expanded by King Kasha, it is also called as Kaashi. Spiritual importance of this place is unparalleled in Indian civilization.

अयोध्या मथुरा माया काशी कांची अवंतिका।

पुरी द्वारावती चैव सप्तैता मोक्षदायिकाः॥

Kashi is listed among seven other places considered as Mokshapuri (bestower of Moksha or Liberation). The list includes- Ayodhya, Mathura, Maya (Mayapuri or Haridwar), Kanchi, Avantika (Ujjain), Puri and Dwaravati or Dwaraka. Thus inexorably, Kashi has been the cornerstone of Hindu civilization. It is for this this reason, to subjugate the Bharatamandala and humiliate Hindus as idolaters the invaders repeatedly assaulted all the places the indigenous civilization held in highest esteem.

Kashi has been worst victim of this orgy of brutal vandalism, which the invaders loved to celebrate. Unfortunately for India, even after independence, meted with the reluctance and lament of the leadership that derided and discouraged any attempt to reclaim past glory, any pursuit to restore the iconic symbols of Hindu civilization remained a pipe dream.

Hemmed by the whammy of slavery and colonialism for centuries, Hindus have turned apologetic about their faith. After independence, fed on a heady cocktail of secularism and the despicable appeasement finding no recourse to even resurrect their civilizational identity, Hindus silently disowned and abjured their transgenerational trauma.

Accusing any campaign or drive to reclaim the past as an attempt to disrupt communal harmony of the society, the political leadership of the country effectively weakened any new awakening. Despite being the majority, all endeavours of the Hindus to revitalize and resuscitate their civilization was critically looked down upon as an unwarranted threat to the borrowed western concept of secularism.

Against these odds, the Hindus unlike other indigenous civilisations, refused to give in. They began to consciously cultivate an awareness towards the civilizational ethos of the land. While the latent realization gained a critical mass through the Ramajanmabhoomi movement, devoid of any iota of furtherance by the political leadership, restoration of the places of worship remained a distant dream.

It is in this context the inauguration of the Kashi Vishwanth Corridor by Prime Minister can be reckoned as prodigious movement for the Hindus. Headed by leaderships, who refused to proudly wear their faith on sleeves, Hindus predominantly remained so reticent about their identity. Even as the symbol of subjugation, Gyanavapi mosque still hovers over at the Western side of the temple corridor, the refurbishment of the hallowed Baba Vishwanath Mandir built by Rani Ahilya Bhai Holkar and adorned with gold gifted by Maharaja Ranjit Singh assumes great significance.

By expanding the 3000sq ft of the temple premises swamped by narrow lanes and by lanes with dangerously dangling live wires into a huge corridor of 5 lakh feet endowed with all facilities behooving an epochal temple radiating divinity, Modi has essentially enhanced the vibrancy of this dharmic space. Needless to say, dharmic spaces, brimming with radiance and endowed with essential attributes of a temple can serve as nodal point for flourishment of dharma.

Huge temples in ancient India besides being repositories of sampradaya served as centres for fine arts, culture and education. Thus, huge temple corridors in contemporary times can essentially rekindle new reverence and propel the new generation to rediscover their roots and explore the depths of the Hindu civilization.

Thriving dharmic space can be an essential shield against the violent usurpation of the indigenous civilization from the proselyting forces as well. Unlike other dharmic spaces, Kashi is etched in civilizational memory as a hallowed spot considered integral to Hindu civilization. Thus, the herculean task of reclaiming and restoring the glory of the place is nothing short of reviving the civilizational consciousness of Bharat.

Centuries of Muslim invasions has strangulated the consciousness of a vibrant civilization and forced it to be apologetic about its roots and identity. By celebrating our asmita and calling out the monstrosity of Aurangzeb Modi’s unvarnished account of the Kashi’s history has smashed the neo-liberal accounts of Mughal eulogy into smithereens. Infusing emotions into words, rummaging through Kashi’s tryst with barbaric invasions and assaults, Modi said, “Kashi Avinashi hai (Kashi is immortal). Invaders attacked this city, tried to destroy it but Kashi withstood every attack as sultanates rose and fell. History is witness to Aurangzeb’s atrocities, his terror. He tried to change civilization by the sword. He tried to crush culture with fanaticism. But the soil of this country is magical. Here if an (Mughal Emperor) Aurangzeb comes, a (Maratha warrior) Shivaji also emerge”¹.

In the same vein he said, “If any Salar Masood moves here, then brave warriors like Raja Suheldev make the invader feel the power of unity”. The brutal takedown of decades of orchestrated history that dominated the academic curriculum and prevaricated scholarship has offered a much needed solace to a civilization whose historical injustices are yet to find a redressal.

Lest the analysts would denominate this feat as a larger electoral game plan, then what stopped the previous leaderships from resuscitating numerous civilizational spots in India. Be what it may, with the masterly execution of Kashi Corridor project, beautification of Somnath, brick laying ceremony at Ayodhya and unveiling the statue of Adi Shankara statue at Kedarnath, Modi’s Indic projects have augured well for the Hindu renaissance that is finding its feet.

Starkly, these developments have ignited an outrage that reminded of Nehru reaction, “Iam wary of Hindu revivalism” to restoration of Somnath. In response K.M. Mushi said, “Yesterday you referred to Hindu revivalism. You pointedly referred to me in the Cabinet as connected with Somanth. I am glad you did so; for I do not want to keep back any part of my views or activities… I assure you that the ‘Collective Subconscious’ of India today is happier with the scheme of reconstruction of Somnath…than with many other things that we have done and are doing”².

With several places of worship still to be liberated and divested of the vestiges of fanatical vandalization, reclaiming the Hindu civilisation is a work in progress. The Kashi Vishwanath Corridor is a first step in the right direction.

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