While
the high level diplomatic talks between India and Pakistan were jeopardized by intemperate
last minute posturing of Pakistan, it is a great relief that the DG-level talks
between BSF and Pakistan rangers slated from September 10th to 12th
have begun on a pragmatic note in New Delhi. The talks which resumed after one
and half years have in the past helped to evolve a pact laden with a set of
confidence building measures. This pact fostered amity between the two forces
and helped in quick repatriation of the villagers who accidentally strayed
across Indo-Pakistan border to their homelands instead of a custodial arrest.
So far India returned 15 villagers and Pakistan sent back 23 citizens who
crossed the borders. But since 2013 there has been resurgence in hostilities
and even the regular exchange of festivities have stopped. Amidst escalating
tensions the talks have begun and agenda is believed to include a discussion on
the non-clearance of Sarkanda grass on the Pakistani side of International
Border (IB), illegal intrusion of Pakistani boats, sniper attacks targeting the
civilians, smuggling of narcotics, pumping of counterfeit currency.
Meanwhile
two US think-tanks The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and The
Stimson Centre together released a report titled: “A normal nuclear Pakistan” a
fortnight ago (1). The report authored by Toby Dalton and Michael Kripon quite characteristic
of the US double speak, justified its infallibility towards Pakistan and
postulated subtle rationalisations for normalisation Pakistan’s nuclear arena.
Drawing parallels to the Indo-US civil nuclear agreement, the authors appealed
to the US to consider Pakistan for a similar kind of treaty paving way for its
eventual entry into global nuclear regime. Authors plead the US administration
to extend concessions to Pakistan and seriously contemplate on helping it
become “a normal nuclear state” on par with India. This intimidating
explanation logically strengthens India’s doubts of the US double standards. It
is intriguing as how the report chooses to ignore malefaction of Pakistan and
its alarming pace of vertical proliferation of nuclear arms.
Despite
being identified as the aggressor in Indo-Pak of 1948, 1965, 1971 and 1999
Pakistan seems to have floored the defence analysts of the US by invoking the
apprehensions of being over ridden by a bigger country- India. With its obsessive
paranoia of India as the enemy, Pakistan has embarked on a race of outcompeting
India in nuclear weapons production. Post 1998 India shifted gears and focussed
on building conventional military capabilities while Pakistan was relentlessly
engrossed in bomb-building. While Pakistan blames India for the nuclear
build-up in the region, international community must raise a toast to India for
maintaining peace in the region despite unequivocal provocations from
belligerent Pakistan and a nuclear weapon state China. Seeking a waiver of all
the brutal terrorist activities funded by it to organisations like Lashkar-e-Taiba
(LeT) that carried the gruesome Mumbai blasts, it assures that it conducted
massive a clamp down operations against extremist groups. But alas! Counter
terrorism operations were directed against Tehreek-e- Taliban Pakistan (TTP)
that targets the military. It is now a known fact that LeT works in collusion
with Pakistan’s military and intelligence services and expectedly so, in spite
of concrete evidence furnished by India stating its direct involvement in the
Mumbai blasts no legal action has been taken. Pakistan in fact revels in
patronising the scourge of terrorism and considers extremist groups as real
assets of state. But tactfully complains of being victims of terrorism (read as
Pakistani Taliban) and for not getting enough credit for containing some
extremist groups.
Till
now the popular deterrence theory holds that possession of nuclear weapons
would deter nuclear exchanges and other conventional military threats. Nuclear
weapons are reckoned as long term fixed assets of state since they checkmate
the aggression of rivals. Observers World over feel that repeated provocations
by Pakistan coupled with sustained toleration of sponsored extremist activities
might inadvertently educe India into a battle with its neighbour. Principally
nuclear states behave responsibly and try to avoid evade situations that can
spark a war. But the combative nuclear posturing of Pakistan indicates that it
is not a normal state. Envisaging a framework for mainstreaming Pakistan’s
nuclear program is dangerously preposterous and illogical.
Pakistan
has now come up with a doctrine of the “full spectrum deterrence” or “a new
nuclear black mail strategy”, to counter India with weapons like Nasr (Hatf-9).
Nasr is the most dangerous nuclear missile head in South Asia capable of
carrying multiple missiles with a range of 60 km. It is a “low-yield battle
field deterrent” and aimed at targeting the mechanised military brigades
designed to tackle the “Cold start” doctrine of India (2). Pakistan is now
seriously contemplating on commissioning more number of these tactical nuclear
weapons to counter Indian forces engaged in the battle triggered by the actions
of the extremist groups.
Over
the past few decades, military leadership of Pakistan has been attributing its
massive conventional and nuclear weapons build up to New Delhi. It threatened
of an “open-ended” nuclear war race in South Asia if India is granted a place
in Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) by passing its candidature. It argued that a
place for India in the elite group will “embolden it to develop nuclear arsenal
and would turn down offers of disarmament from Pakistan”. But the ground
realities suggest otherwise. India in order to clinch a civil nuclear agreement
with the US separated its civil and defence nuclear utilities in 2005, welcomed
the inspection of the officials of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
Upon satisfactory audit of the facilities the US and India signed the agreement
in 2008. India with its impeccable record of net contributions to the peace and
stability deserves to be elevated in the global nuclear order. Unlike the
sporadic growth progression of Pakistan, India’s economic progress, offers
immense scope for nuclear trade. Moreover India contemplates on diverting its
fissile material for nuclear power generation from existing 4.5 MW to 20 MW offering
great potential for nuclear trade. While India could conduct nuclear trade with
the NSG states its full membership to NSG hasn’t received a complete nod. Unrelenting
diplomatic pressures mounted by Pakistan has scuttled India’s chances of
entering into four international nuclear forums. Civil nuclear agreement has
come at a cost of India foregoing nuclear testing, accepting moratorium on
production of fissile material for building nuclear war heads.
Post
2005 Pakistan urged US to have a “criteria based approach” and consider its
membership for NSG. Since partition in 1947, Pakistan has been competing with
India whose economy is 9 times of it in terms of developing conventional military
capabilities. Indian economy strengthened over decades and congruently its
defence spending has also increased. While India’s defence budgetary allowance
is 2.4% of the GDP and military expenditure is 13.2% of budgetary expenditure,
it is whopping 4.5% and 25% of total government expenditure by Pakistan.
Seeking parity with India, Pakistan has been effectively milking the US and
obtained $40 billion so far as military and economic aid. Now with a pretext of
its inability to finance conventional military weapons Pakistan is rapidly
developing nuclear warheads.
While
India has an immense potential in the nuclear arena, it has diverted a huge of
chunk of its Plutonium reserves for power generation and the highly enriched
Uranium (HEU) of weapons grade for naval propulsion. Pakistan has now four
production reactors at Khushab that produces 20 -25 kg of plutonium per year
and constructs about 14 to 27 nuclear weapons an year while India with its
available fissile material manages to produce 2-5 weapons. Presently the
nuclear stock piles of India are in the range of 50 to 110 while that of
Pakistan are 110 to 120 nuclear weapons. Both China and Pakistan overwhelmed by
full spectrum deterrence are accumulating stocks of tactical nuclear weapons
like the ballistic missiles, and Multiple Independently targetable re-entry
vehicles (MIRV). With these interminable levels of production Pakistan has long
surpassed India in its weapons bounty. In the next 10 years its nuclear arsenal
will be twice the size of India’s possessing third largest nuclear arsenals
after the US and Russia. Intriguingly, Pakistan’s military leadership complains
of threats from India. If possession of
over hundred weapons can’t make them secure, any number of arsenal can never
make Pakistan confident. Consequently weapon proliferation will continue
unabatedly indicating that its deterrence is not fixed but relative.
Strategic
decisions in Pakistan are made by the military and the intelligence services
unlike the civilian, democratically elected authority in India. With its
ruthless obsession of proliferating weapons, conventional and counter terrorism
operations will suffer, adversely affecting the internal security. Even socio-economic
development will be put on a back burner. Consequently a weak state will breed
contempt would become safe haven for militants. Unlike the strategic weapons
which are secure under responsible authorities, the huge scale of tactical
weapons deployed in the areas near border are not safe and secure and there is
every possibility of these weapons falling into hands of extremist groups. Unlike Indian leadership
which values economic growth Pakistan’s compelling drive has been to launch
punitive actions on India.
It
is very startling as how the US which fiercely called for international
sanctions on Iran that lasted for over decade and half for building nuclear
weapons failed to censure Pakistan for its enormous nuclear stock piling. At a
time when President Obama has successfully garnered support to push the nuclear
agreement with Iran in the Congress, isn’t it the time to ostensibly reprimand
Pakistan? The dubious assurances of Pakistan to restore peace in Afghanistan by
fostering peace talks with the Taliban and Afghan government have miserably
failed. The stymied Afghan President too should bank on Iran rather than
Pakistan to rehabilitate Afghanistan (3).
Nuclear
Proliferation Treaty (NPT) came into existence in 1968 stratifying the global
order into Nuclear Weapons States (NPW) and Non- Nuclear Weapons States (NNWS).
NPW includes the big five (USA, Russia, UK, France and China) who completed
testing of nuclear devices and entered the treaty by 1970. They are now engaged
in rapidly expanding strategic deterrence. Other countries that joined treaty became late
comers or NNWS. India, Pakistan, Israel didn’t sign the treaty, openly tested
and declared possession of nuclear weapons are treated as outliers. North Korea
withdrew from the treaty in 2003. India by signing of the civil nuclear deal
entered the global nuclear order and since late recognition of nuclear status
is not permitted under existing NPT rules India is now strongly contemplating
on gaining entry into the elite club of NSG. The US formally asserted that
India meets all requirements, for full membership while China refrained from
divulging any opinion. Certain countries voiced concerns that India should be
party to CTBT too. If India gains entry into NSG it is widely believed that it
might veto Pakistan’s entry. But with Pakistan becoming a burgeoning hub of extremist
activities and with its past record of leakage of nuclear technology by A.Q
Khan to Libya, North Korea and Libya is normalisation of Islamabad justified?
Moreover with Pakistan going head on full throttle with full spectrum
deterrence, countries are worried that Rawalpindi would end up using nuclear
weapons for non-existential threats bringing down the nuclear threshold.
Besides India with its no first use doctrine and the absolute civilian control
of the weapons countries are assured of the effective enforcement of
deterrence.
Despite
the insidious attitude of Pakistan the report appeals to help Pakistan to
become normal state. It recommends Pakistan to fulfil five conditions for its
nuclear normalisation. These are: shift from the full spectrum deterrence to
strategic deterrence, limit production of tactical weapons or short range
delivery weapons, become amenable to talks on the fissile material cut off
treaty (FMCT), delineate civil and military nuclear programs and finally sign
the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). But Pakistan wielding to any these
conditions is next to impossible as their military leadership firmly believes
that nuclear weapons are matter of national survival. Further the recent US-Pakistan joint statement
indicates that President Obama clearly favours integration of the Pakistan to
the global nuclear order (4). Reassured of Washington’s consent the National
Command Authority (NCA) of Pakistan began making unauthenticated claims that
India has fissile material enough for 2000 warheads (5).
China
has so far chaperoned Pakistan’s odyssey into the nuclear arena but with the US
too giving into the Faustian bargaining of the Rawalpindi overlords, India
might witness unprecedented ceasefire violations and intransigent infiltrations
bids. The most debilitating account of the report has been its nonchalant
account of Pakistan despite nurturing anti-India terrorists.
- http://carnegieendowment.org/files/NormalNuclearPakistan.pdf
- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nasr_(missile)
- http://nationalinterest.org/feature/when-it-comes-afghanistan-america-should-ditch-pakistan-iran-13788
- http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2015/06/243127.htm
- http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/pakistan/India-has-fissile-material-for-2000-warheads-Pak-media/articleshow/48895568.cms
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