Japan in a major departure from its 70 years of pacifism is
making way for a bolder self-defence policy. Annual Defence White paper of
Japan which took a serious note of the high-handed activities of China in the
South China Sea was passed in the Lower House of Diet. But unlike the defence
papers of the US and China, Japan’s report is tipped to stir a hornet’s nest.
Post World War II, Japan a touted aggressor accepted the pacifist-oriented
constitution conferred by the US. Ever since reclaiming power, Prime Minister
Abe avowed nationalist, has been aggressively advocating for overhaul of the
defence policies. Despite the massive protests and falling approval ratings and
stiff opposition, Abe introduced the new defence legislation for approval in
the Lower House of Diet and the Left Democratic Party (LDP) of Abe has managed
to get it passed. Japanese majority in fact half of the population is against
relinquishing the pacifist constitution.
Annual Defence White
Paper
Annual defence white paper reflects the geopolitical strategy
of a nation and the congruous reformulation of defence strategies to
accommodate their interests. China and America in their defence papers
indicated perceived threats and their future course of action. In National
Military Strategy 2015 the US reiterating its position as the sole- superpower,
accentuated the raise of the revisionist states which are “challenging
international norms”, an obvious indirect reference to resurgence of Russia. Russia
took a serious note of the US report and criticised American confrontational
attitude. Meanwhile Russian President Putin ordered for a revision of its
National Security Strategy to 2020.
The US report also alludes to the frenetic land reclamation
activities of China and signalled the hegemonic rise of China in the region.
America enunciated its plans of putting advanced technologies and capabilities
to rebalance Asia-Pacific. Expectedly, Beijing took an objection to the “groundless
exaggerated claims of the US”.
China’s Military Strategy, the white paper on defence, on the
other hand articulated its strong will to challenge the US, the sole global
power. The report reiterated its stand of managing its seas and protecting
maritime rights and interests, its desire to emerge as a strong maritime power
and the necessity to safe guard its interests in new domains. This report
unabashedly testimonies the entrenched expansionist attitude of China.
Abe’s New Defence
Policy
Abe’s stead fast move was motivated firstly by the pressure
from the US law makers who wanted its allies to accept greater share of burden
in regional security. Secondly, it was becoming increasingly necessary for
Japan to expand its military fleet to contain the rise of China. During Abe’s
recent to America in April 2015, both countries have signed first revision to
the US-Japan defense guidelines that called for strengthening the role of the
Japan’s self-defense forces. It also prompted Japan to offer logistical support
to the US military not only in Asia but elsewhere in the World during war and
peace times. Japan was thus obligated to reinterpret its constitution to introduce
the term “Collective Self-defense”, whereby Japan can extend military support
to its allies or partners even if Japan’s interests are not directly
threatened. It was thus incumbent on Abe to bring out necessary changes in
domestic legislations whereby restrictions on sale of military technology to
allies or partners can be lifted. The proactive stance of Abe is widely
welcomed by all the South East Asian Nations, Australia and India; condemned by
China and North Korea, while South Korea is ruffled by defence reinvigoration.
In the meanwhile South Korea summoned Japanese official as the new defence
paper of Japan declared Liancourt Rocks or Takeshima as a part of its territory
while these islands named as Dokdo in South Korea are claimed by Seoul. The aggressive
buttressing of military forces by Japan is viewed with suspicion by countries
like South Korea and China as it reminds them of Tokyo’s imperialistic past.
Till now, Japan has largely relied on soft-power diplomacy
and economic cooperation to maintain its sway in the region. Through its
liberal economic aids and foreign investments Japan contributed towards economic
resurgence of Asia and earned substantial good will. On the eve of completion
of 70 years of World War II, Japan unveiled its new defence policy eschewing
the entrenched status of tier one strategic player. Unlike post-war
predecessors of Japan, Abe assiduously worked towards proactive role which goes
beyond protecting its sovereignty over Senakaku Islands.
In reality economic advancement of China, its burgeoning
defence expenditure, lack of transparency and aggressive expansion of maritime
domains has been cause of concern in the region for the past five years. Abe’s
apprehensions about the phenomenal rise of Chinese authoritarianism were
reflected in Japanese National Security Strategy defence document in 2013
itself. Thereafter a legislation “The Three Principals of Transfer of Defense
Equipment and Technology” passed in the Diet which permitted sale of military
equipment to parties that would contribute to international peace and Japan’s
security. This provision magnified the strategic role of Japan. So far defense
equipment was sold to Philippines and Indonesia, negotiations for sale of
Soryu-class submarines to Australia and Vietnam are underway. Steadily Japan is
equipping the nations facing the wrath of China.
But in fact even the new ambitious legislation brought about
by Abe cannot bypass the restrictions imposed by the Article 9 of the
constitution, which permits a unilateral military attack by Japan only when it
is under direct attack. Any change in the Article 9 requires majorities of two
houses and an affirmative public referendum. Hence the newly unleashed Japan’s
adventurism is restrained both by constitution and Japanese people.
China cognizant of the new strategic
developments is wary of Japan’s potential to emerge as a counter balance to Peoples
Liberation Army (PLA). Chinese reverse-engineered technology is no match to the
Japanese equipment sold to the states that have maritime disputes with Beijing.
This new avatar of Japan is
heartening to the Washington as all its South East Asian allies bordering China
are able to hedge it but none was willing to join the US to take on China.
Interestingly all the ASEAN countries vulnerable to China’s coercion are now
increasingly looking forward to Japan as an alternative to counter the rising super
power of Asia.
Sino- Japanese Relations
China and Japan ranked second and third largest economies of
the World and the most prolific two-way trading partners spurn each other. The
East China Sea that divides China and Japan has been the bone of contention
between these nations. Relations between the countries began to dwindle
following the territorial dispute over a group of uninhabited Senkaku islands
in Japan or Diaoyu Islands in PRC ever since the islands were found to contain
oil reserves. The dispute ratcheted into severity when China has set up East
China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone (ADZ) in November 2013. ADZ mandates
that all aircrafts flying over the region has to register its flight plan, and
submit radio frequency. Also, while Chinese analysts believe that Japan is
using the sovereignty dispute to contain the economic dynamism of China, Japan
accuses China of withholding its valuable rare earth reserves. Besides, the
relations between both countries were more often strained due to Japan’s
refusal of acknowledging its wartime past to the satisfaction of China.
Moreover in a gross violation of the 2008 bilateral accord on joint gas
development in East China Sea, China continued with “unilateral resource
development”. The crisis between Japan and China began to deepen due to the
prolific construction activity of China close to the median line in the East
China Sea.
Altogether the defence papers of the US, China and Japan
which is released on Tuesday pander about the growing conflicts in the
Asia-Pacific region. With China metamorphosing into an aggressor, laying claims
over islands in the South China Sea, the US and its allies are deemed as
counter forces that can rescue the smaller nations in the region.
Implications for India
Reshaping of defence policy of Japan
has larger implications on India. Moreover since the area of geopolitical
collusion is Asia-Pacific region, India’s larger trade and security related
aspects would suffer in case of any potential conflict. The foreign policy
regime of NDA government has been evidently outgoing, audacious and ambitious.
India’s relations with the US received a major lease for life after both
nations sealed civil nuclear agreement in 2005. In fact under the regime of Man
Mohan Singh India clenched a strategic partnership with Japan and in 2007 armed
forces of India, US, Japan and Australia together conducted joint military
exercises in the Indian Ocean. But after India was pulled up by Beijing for its
multilateral engagement the UPA government cancelled future editions of Malabar
fete. In sharp contrast, Modi government unfazed by Beijing’s objections is
going ahead with cementing trilateral political consultations and joint
military exercises with US and Japan. India is now actively reaching out to China
(and Russia) and eagerly looking forward to work on different platforms with
them including SCO a new entrant to the list. Thus India is emulating Beijing
that necessarily vetoes India’s sensitivities for its all-weather friend. India’s
foreign policy earlier was to diligently orchestrate a fine balance with
various countries. In a massive departure from its earlier stance, Modi is
trying to bolster India as a leading power.
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