India’s rapid connectivity strides in the neighbourhood

Repulsing the Chinese intimidation, India stood the ground and incontrovertibly reasserted its position to defend its sovereignty at all costs. Twice in the recent past, during Indo-China standoffs, China blinked first. Steamrolling China’s hegemonic aspirations, India dared to stare back at the Dragon. Cognizant of Sino-Pakistan collusivity, India is now gearing up for a two-front war. But the nefarious Dragon which has substantially expanded influence over the entire sub-continent is now opening several fronts to badger India. China sees India as an obstacle.  Its dogged pursuits to extend tentacles in the India’s neighbourhood has been integral part of China’s policy of encirclement of India.

India’s deep civilisational connect with its immediate neighbourhood and strong historical ties have been a matter of immense pride. Buttressing this age-old connect, India along with Bangladesh attempted to resurrect the regional cooperation through SAARC. But the perpetual disagreements and inimical animosity disgorged by Pakistan imposed roadblocks and derailed the objective of collective development. Since the turn of the century while China, steadily expanded its influence in India’s neighbourhood, New Delhi was caught napping.

Infusing new momentum into India’s civilisational and cultural connect, through the “Neighbourhood First” Policy, Modi attempted to strengthen the bridges of strategic partnership. Besides the soft power, in line with the developmental needs India turned key areas like connectivity, finance, education, capacity building, skilling and health care into arenas for cooperation. But unlike India’s soft developmental approach, China began to cultivate Indian neighbourhood for larger strategic gains. Nepal’s needling of India at Dragon’s behest and Prime Minister Oli’s brinkmanship; China’s growing economic cooperation with Bangladesh-$38 billion worth investments, tariff exemptions to 97% of Bangladesh exports, smart cities development, construction of permanent submarine base in Bangladesh’s Cox bazar; 99-lease of Sri Lanka’s Hambantota Port, Colombo Port construction, dredging and building construction spree in the Indian Ocean Island; China’s acquisition of Maldives Feydhoo Islands in lease till 2066 and infrastructure development in the Indian archipelago have only heightened the apprehensions of China’s burgeoning influence in India’s traditional sphere of influence.

Given China’s penchant for an indirect and insidious attacks against India, strategists expounded fears of Dragon using its leverage in the sub-continent to overwhelm India. Along the expected lines, to pressure India and coerce Bhutan, the only Indian neighbour which don’t have diplomatic ties with China, Dragon made fresh claims over Sakteng Wild Life Sanctuary situated in eastern Bhutan. Doubling down, its claims, China even tried to stall funding to Sakteng Sanctuary at Global Environmental Facility (GEF) virtual meeting. Bhutan rubbished these claims. With majority of GEF member countries including India supporting Bhutan, council rejected China’s objections. Fervently rejecting China’s claims Bhutan issued a strong demarche to China.

China’s fresh claims to the far-eastern Bhutan territory is part of 90,000 sq km territory of Arunachal Pradesh. Undercutting China’s nefarious strategies and shedding inertia, India made quikc tactical moves. Days after China’s new claims to the Sakteng Sanctury in the Trashigang district of Far East Bhutan home to mythical ‘Yetis’ and ‘Brokpas’, the semi-nomadic tribes, India has proposed to build a strategic road through the Yeti territory. The project assigned to BRO, passing through the Trashigang district connecting Guwahati to Tawang would not only reduce the distance by 150 km but would also favour quick deployment of troops ¹.

Bhutan is a buffer state between India and China and highly significant for security of India. With China spreading its bloody tentacles in the region, in a major boost to connectivity, India and Bhutan have launched a new trade route which will operate between Jaigaon in West Bengal to Ahllay, Pasakha in Bhutan. India is Bhutan’s largest trading partner, opening of new road route will decongest existing connectivity links and facilitate quicker movement of goods. This development comes days after India’s Satluj Jal Vidyut Nigam entered into a concession agreement with Druk Green Power Corporation of Bhutan for the construction of 600 MW Kholongchhu Hydroelectric Project in Bhutan. Signing of this Joint Venture between India and Bhutan, the first of its kind between two countries will give a major fillip to the bilateral hydroelectric cooperation ². 

In a bid to revive poor delivery record, India is also expediting expansion of Hanimaadhoo airport in Maldives. India pledged Line of Credit to President Solih on his first visit to India for connectivity project. The runway expansion and construction of new terminal building will play a major role in economic and tourism development of Northern Maldives³. India, earlier, extended funds for redevelopment of Jaffna airport to handle international flights paving way for commencement of Chennai to Jaffna commercial flight operations last year.

Giving a major boost to economic cooperation between India and Bangladesh, last Thursday, Minister of Shipping Mansukh Mandaviya, flagged-off a container ship carrying steel bars from Kolkata to Agartala through the Chattogram port of Bangladesh. This route besides reducing the time and logistics of cargo operation will open up new realms for using multi-modal connectivity between India and Bangladesh. During President Hasina’s 2019 visit to India, both sides have formalised the Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) for the use of Chattogram and Mongla ports for transport of goods from mainland to India’s North East. The SOPs laid a framework for the movement of goods through waterways, road, and rail. In 2015, India and Bangladesh signed the coastal shipping agreement and transshipment of goods to and from Bangladesh in 2018. Eight routes have been identified under this multi-modal transport.

These include use of Chattogram/Mongla port to Agartala via Akhura, Chattogram/Mongla port to Dawki (Meghalaya) via Tambil, Chattogram/Mongla port to Sutarkandi (Assam) via Sheola, Chattogram/Mongla port to Srimantpur (Tripura) via Bibirbazar and viceversa ⁴. The recent trial run from Kolkata besides beating the economic vulnerabilities of the COVID-19 induced economic slowdown will create employment opportunities, integrate supply chains, promote business services and foster investments. Trade and connectivity have potential to alleviate poverty and ensure stability and India’s commendable initiative to spur growth in the sub-region through the connectivity projects will deepen trust and promote strengthening of long-term partnership between India and its neighbouring countries.

At a time when China extended several concessions to woo Bangladesh, stepping up the game, India instituted a multi-pronged strategy to enhance trade and business partnership. Unlike China’s investments and loans with incipient threat of debt-trap, India’s seamless connectivity will be a win-win situation scenario for both countries. Despite Mamata Banerjee’s objections to resumption of the cross-border trade with Bangladesh, government of India overturned her decision and restored land trade. Bangladesh is India’s biggest trade partner in South Asia. To promote trade and reduce the trade imbalances, India offered some tariff concessions. India has extended $8 billion Line of credit over the past eight years becoming the largest recipient of India’s concessional loans. India also extended financial assistance towards dredging of ports, rail route construction and funded 55 Small Development Projects (SDP). While India can’t match China’s deep pockets, it is actively involving in mutually beneficial partnership.

Also, in a first, Indian Railways ran a special parcel train to Benipole in Bangladesh from Reddipalem in Guntur district, Andhra Pradesh. Freight trains reduced the time of travel and transportation cost by five times. India and Bangladesh are now planning to revive the old rail routes that served as lifelines of Assam and East Bengal before 1970. Plan is afoot to connect the north eastern region with Bangladesh Rail line by 2021 and to run the first rail connection between Agartala and Akhaura in Bangladesh on the 75^th Independence Day celebrations of India ⁵.

To infuse fresh momentum into India’s ties with the neighbourhood, India undertook a massive diplomat rejig exercise within the MEA. Seasoned diplomats JP Singh and Arindham Bagchi are now appointed as heads of the crucial Pakistan-Afghanistan-Iran division and Northern division (Nepal and Bhutan) ⁶.

At a press meet in Moscow, Mynamarese commander-in-chief Aung Hlaing called for international cooperation against terrorism and hinted at the role of a “strong force” in abetting terror in the country. Indian Defence Minister who was in Moscow to attend the Victory Parade used the opportunity to reach out to Gen Hlaing and explored the possibility of defence cooperation between two countries. Disclosing that foreign forces have been funding the designated terror organisations Arakan Army (AA) and Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), the general expressed their lack of trust in China which has been pressuring Myanmar to implement BRI projects. China has planned CMEC (China Myanmar Economic Corridor), along the lines of CPEC to gain access to Bay of Bengal. To implement BRI in Myanmar and protect its investments, China has been arming the AA ⁷.

Expectedly so, AA while threatening and abducting Indian contractors working on the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport project in the Rakhine state has been friendly towards the Chinese assets in Myanmar. Kaladan Project aims to connect Kolkata with Mizoram in the North East through Rakhine and Chin states is cornerstone of India’s Act East Policy. In the past few years, as a part of capacity building, India has been catering to Myanmar’s defence needs. In 2017, India supplied torpedoes, ‘Shyena’ under a $38 million export deal and handed over kilo class submarine refurbished by Hindustan Shipyard Limited (HSL), Visakhapatnam last year ⁸. Through “Operation Sunshine” co-opting Myanmar, India has successfully targeted the insurgent groups active in the North East region. In May, Myanmar has handed over 22 rebels with their bases in Sagaing region. India and Myanmar have been steadily buttressing defence cooperation. After calling the bluff of China and growing suspicious of Chinese intentions, Myanmar is now expediting India’s infrastructure projects. India which has developed the Sittwe port in Rakhine state under the Kaladan project has resumed operations in 2019. Myanmar is now levitating towards a democratic India which is benign unlike the Dragon.

Amid speculations of China holding its sway over Indian neighbourhood with its offer of help in combatting COVID-19, India has intensified its outreach. Recently India has concluded talks with Sri Lanka over the debt rescheduling, repayment and currency swap arrangements.

While the disengagement of India and China troops along the LAC is underway, alarmists have portrayed a gloomy and desolate picture of India under siege. Repudiating these apprehensions, espousing “together we grow” approach, India is assiduously fortifying the “Neighbourhood First Policy”.

@ Copyrights reserved.

China’s ensnarement of Nepal

Another day, another inconsequential remark, and the Nepali foreign Ministry goes into a damage control mode. This has become a new normal. Yet again, Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s remarks, “the place called Thori near Birgunj is the real Ayodhya, where Lord Ram was born. In India there is great dispute on Ayodhya. But there is no dispute in our Ayodhya” has sparked fresh controversy. Oli’s unrelenting anti-India tirade has sent the region into a tizzy.  His off the cuff remarks are creating fresh fissures in the tenuous Indo-Nepal bilateral ties.

Amid intraparty quibbling, protests over gross mishandling of the pandemic, mounting corruption charges, reluctant to renounce his high chair, Oli sensed an opportunity in India’s 80 km road to Lipulekh road to revive his political career. Losing no time, Oli raked up disagreements over the Kalapani region. Convening a joint parliamentary session, Oli rolled out a legislation to include three Indian territories Kalapani, Lipulekh and Limpiyadhura in the improvised political map of Nepal.  Stoking nationalist sentiments, Oli tried to avert the domestic attention from his incompetence when India is locked in a major stand-off with China across LAC. Timing in geopolitics is really crucial. With PLA troops at the border, battling a surging pandemic, India assured Nepal of foreign ministers talks to resolve the outstanding border issues. But Oli refused to relent. Soon the improvised Nepal political map with Indian territories after President’ authentication was incorporated with the Coat of arms. Oli’s extraordinary urgency to unilaterally change the territorial boundaries has only fuelled mistrust but failed to alleviate domestic political dissent.

Barring the only discordant note of Nepal acting at the “behest of someone” by Indian Army Chief, who is conferred the title of ‘honorary general of Nepal Army’ which ruffled some feathers, reminding Nepal of ‘roti-beti ka rishta’ and the “untenable” territorial assertions, India maintained strategic silence. Despite Oli’s barrage of invectives holding India responsible for the pandemic, mockery of India’s National Emblem, ‘Satyameva Jayate’ and accusations of Indian Embassy plotting to topple him, India refrained from responding.

Amid Oli’s ultranationalist posturing and strident anti-India attacks, opposition leaders pulled him up for China’s surreptitious encroachment of country’s northern territories. Maintaining deafening silence, Oli demurred. Ensconced by China’s omniscient puppeteering, Oli continued to fan nationalistic sentiments by spewing out venom against India. While China continued to actively reshape the domestic political dynamic of Nepal, strategic analysts harangued India’s Neighbourhood First Policy. They sneered at India’s travesty of failing to strengthen robust ties with the Himalayan country.  While there is some amount of merit in their observations, curiously Oli seemed to have ended up in the similar situation as many other leaders of the region.

Former Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak, Former Maldivian President Abdulla Yameen have something in common. These two disgraced leaders with dubious Chinese links are charged with embezzlement of funds and corruption respectively and jailed. Najib who set up 1 Malaysian Development Berhard (1MDB) in 2009 having siphoned state funds in a massive abuse of power, sought China’s help to bail him out from money laundering in return for investment deals. As the President of Maldives from 2013 to 2018, Yameen went out of the way to woo China. Besides joining BRI and signing FTA, he favoured Chinese investments and reportedly leased out islands to China under the ruse of tourism development. Voted out of power, Yameen is currently facing jail term for his scandalous deals. Even the legacy of the authoritarian Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen’s legacy is awash with corruption charges and replete with shady Chinese connections. Sen is known to have awarded numerous projects to China and received massive kickbacks in return. Cambodia, which is at the brink of turning into a neo-Chinese colony is among the list of the eight countries affected by predatory policies and debt trap diplomacy, hall mark of the BRI.

Analysts have been cautioning about Dragon’s modus operandi of penetrating the weak economies headed by corrupt leaders to foster its business interests. The political fall outs and ouster of the corrupt leaders from power in different countries affirm their prescient observations. So far, President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Prime Minister Najib Razak, President Abdulla Yameen have paid a hefty price for favouring Chinese investments. Scepticism towards Chinese investments is a reality and countries are clearly wary of China’s opaque deal making.

Given ideological moorings of Oli, Nepal’s drift towards China has been imminent. Oli hastened the levitation by signing trade and transit treaty with China in 2016.  By ratifying BRI in 2017, Oli legally opened flood gates for Chinese investments into the Himalayan realm. Under the guise of reducing over-dependence on India, Oli indulged in unprecedented patronage of China. Nepal is home to significant number of Tibetan refugees, with Oli rolling out a red carpet to Dragon, twin purposes of bolstering investments under the flagship BRI and coercing voices of the Tibetan voices in Nepal were effectively fulfilled. China accounted for 90% of total FDI to Nepal in the past four consecutive years ¹ which is reflected in Dragon’s proportionate increase in Nepal’s domestic politics as well.  

Classic feature of BRI has been co-opting corrupt leaders of weak economies to surreptitiously penetrate the system. Roland Jacquard, reports in The Global Watch reported China’s machinations on the Himalayan country². This explosive piece, traced Oli’s links with China since his first stint as Prime Minister Oli in 2015-16 when he assisted the then Chinese ambassador to Nepal, Wu Chuntai to invest in telecommunication sector in Nepal.

Brazenly violating the government regulations, Oli awarded contracts to Chinese companies or Nepali businessmen with close links to Prime Minister’s office. In 2018, Huawei bagged the project of setting up, “Digital Action Room” in Prime Minister’s office even when such technologies were indigenously available. In May 2019, Nepal awarded contract for developing radio access network and installing 4G network to China’s ZTE. Similarly, overturning former Prime Minister Sher Prasad Deuba’s decision, Oli granted the contract for $2.42 billion 1200 MW Budhigandhaki Hydropower project to Chinese state-owned company Gezhouba Group. In all these cases, Oli awarded the contracts, without competitive bidding to Nepali businessmen close to Oli who are reliably learnt to have received huge kickbacks from Chinese companies.

Even the threatening Corona pandemic failed to shake Oli’s loyalty towards China. Despite reports of over-priced China’s defective medical supplies, Oli routed all essential medical equipment imports from China’s OMNI group, which has close links to Prime Minister’s secretariat. In 2017 elections, OMNI has supplied defective printing machines to Nepal election commission. Demanding accounts for the Nepali Rs 10 billion spent to fight the COVID-19, Nepali youth are now protesting against Oli and growing Chinese interference in Kathmandu’s domestic affairs.

The Global Watch report has come as a final blow to Oli’s sinking public propriety and reputation. Stating that Oli’s personal finances has increased manifold in the recent years it disclosed details of Oli’s joint account with his wife Radhika Sakhya in Geneva Branch of Mirabaud Bank which is holding $ 5.5 million long term deposits and yielding yearly returns of half a million dollars. Disclosures made by Global watch sounded a death knell for Oli’s plummeting political career. The report busted China’s standard diplomatic bluff of– “non-interference in the domestic affairs of foreign countries” and debunked the touted “win-win” situation of BRI. BRI has been Dragon’s neo-imperialistic strategic tool designed to advance Chinese interests. Clearly, China’s ensnarement of Nepal is complete and irrevocable.

Even as Nepal’s foreign ministry is firefighting Oli’s irresponsible statement with clarification saying, “the remarks made by the Prime Minister are not linked to any political subject and have no intention to hurt the feeling and sentiment of anyone. As there have been several myths and references about Shri Ram and the places associated with him, the Prime Minister was simply highlighting the importance of further studies and research of the vast cultural geography the Ramayana represents to obtain facts about Shri Ram, Ramayana and the various places linked to this rich civilisation. The remarks are not meant to debase the significance of Ayodhya and the cultural value it bears”³. While Oli’s remarks caused wide-spread public consternation in India, New Delhi resisted the temptation of bristling at his repeated anti-India jibes.

Nepal is victim of Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) encroachment and Oli’s anti-India tirades are a manifestation of the Dragon’s ensnarement, hell-bent on damaging the India-Nepal ties beyond repair. India is closely monitoring China’s tightening vise-like grip on Nepal and its nefarious tactics of using Kathmandu as launch pad to attack New Delhi.

@ Copyrights reserved.

Book Review: Meenakshi Jain's Flight of Deities and Rebirth of Temples

Temples have been bedrocks of the flourishing Indian civilisation. Any attack on temple is a collective assault on the people associated with the faith. Undermining the intent and iconoclastic zeal of the Muslim invaders and their explicit hatred towards idols and idol worship advocated by Quranic injunctions, the intellectual brigade of India has perversely defended ruthless marauding by perpetuating the myth of this practice of desecration of temples being carried out Hindu rulers. To defend the iconoclasm, apologists drew mischievously drew parallels with the practice of appropriation of idols by Hindu rulers in times of conflict.

Padma Sri Meenakshi Jain an authority on the Indian history chronicled the attacks on Hindu, Jain and Buddhist temples in the Indian sub-continent for over centuries by the invading Muslim marauders in her work, “Flight of Deities and Rebirth of Temples: Episodes from Indian History”. Considered as a sequel to “Sitaram Goel’s Hindu Temples: What happened to them?”  and her earlier work on Ayodhya, by Indologists, Jain’s work offers the most comprehensive analysis of temple destruction in Medieval India.  This quintessential go-to source on the loot and plunder of the temples is no less than an encyclopaedia, for it backs every assertion with referenced studies and primary sources. The book besides discrediting the fallacious arguments of the Left shatters the mythical theories propounded by them. In tune with the popular adage, “History is written by victors” which implies that history is not grounded in facts but always interpreted by the winners to suit their perspective the Leftist historians tactfully distorting the facts and birthed a new narrative which was dutifully fed for academic and public consumption.

Repudiating the fallacies of the Leftist historians, Jain put appropriation of murtis by Hindu rulers in perspective by recalling a verse in the Purva Karana Agama which essentially prods the triumphant King to bring deities from defeated king and arrange for worship. It is supposed to serve two purposes-divest the ruler of the Divine protection and ensured that idols/ murtis remained under veneration.

By characteristically portraying the temples destruction as “a lust for plunder”, apologists whitewashed the motivated attacks of plunderers like Muhammed Ghaznavi, who revelled in the appellation of Muhamad bhutshikan, “Mahumad the breaker of idols”.

Yet the Leftists discredited the theology alluding to a theory of temples as centres of resistance had to be extricated for consolidation of authority. For over decades, this charade has been deeply instilled into the minds of unsuspecting Indians by churning out tonnes of literature to perpetuate the fakery. New hypotheses are constantly invented to simply pass off the desecration of temples and building of mosques over them as “a productive engagement with local traditions of temple architecture”. Without even sparing a thought about the sacredness, faith, the civilisational continuum of these divine spaces and emotional trauma inflicted on the millions by the destruction of the temples, scholarly articles perpetuated a vicious narrative. Conspicuously exonerating the plunderers of their malicious intent and their theological motivations, the apologists not only vindicated the vandalism, but failed to provide reprieve to the oldest civilisation which endured a barrage of attacks and invasions.

A one-sided interpretation of the facts has nearly wiped out the dogged pursuits of the santanis, who played with their lives to rescue, protect the murtis from marauders and ferret out idols of temples for safe keeping; the iconoclastic zeal of the Muslims and the resilience of various sections of Hindu society, who valiantly fought back to preserve their faith Jain gives an account of the wanton destruction in exacting detail and also brilliantly highlights the indefatigable efforts of rulers and Hindu community to resurrect temples. Spanning the sixteen chapters of the book are the devastating accounts of the barbaric attacks made on the glorious temples across the length and breadth of Bharatvarsha. It also encapsulates the unwavering faith of the santanis and active role played by the faith leaders who undertook adventurous expeditions and travelled miles along treacherous terrains, thick forests to save the murtis from falling into the hands of Sultans.

Barely years after the death of Prophet Mohammed Arab invaders began to strike at the Indian subcontinent. Upper Sindh region dominated by Hindu Rulers offered stiff resistance to the unceasing attacks of the Arabs. Finally, in 711 CE, Muhammed Bin Qasim established his firm hold on the Multan. In the conquest, the invaders destroyed the Sun Temple at Multan, the pride and glory of the people and reduced it to rubble. But by 1130 CE, Hindus reconstructed the temple and began worshipping the deity with undiminished enthusiasm and faith.

Soon Kashmir, the principal seat of Indian civilisation which is described as a place, “where there is not a space as large as a grain of sesamum without a tirtha” by Kalhana in Rajatarangini, was denuded and destroyed by the marauders. Sultan Sikander who earned the epithet of Butshikan, demolished, pulled down and desecrated and finally destroyed the temples by setting fire to the heaps of timber in the temples. Consequently, North India subjected to a torrent of invasions was bereft of notable tirthas. Delhi endured similar fate. Destroying Hindu and Jain temples, the invaders constructed mosques using the temple materials from pre-existing temples. Despite calamitous attacks on temples, in places of immense religious significance like Mathura, Brij, Brindavan, devotees refused to forsake the deities. Notwithstanding the attacks, Hindus would make concerted efforts to rebuild the temples though much less in grandeur but would fully restore ritualistic worship and observe religious customs discreetly.

Relentless attacks of maraduders failed to dampen the faith and belief of santanis, who at the whiff of an impending attacks removed murthis from temple precincts to avoid defilement. Often smaller murtis are ferried away in saddle bags to safer places. One such interesting detail of the migration of Sri Srinathji has been vividly presented in the book. Following Aurangzeb’s royal decree to raze every temple in Mathura to ground in 1669, murtis of Govinddeva were removed from temple. One image was concealed in Agra and hurriedly reinstalled in a house of a devotee. But the deity soon left for Kota and as per directions of the ruler, moved to Kishangarh, Chaupsani on Jodhpur border. After the King of Mewar deputed one lakh Rajputs for its protection, Gosains set out on their journey with the murti to Udaipur, 40 km north of the Udaipur, the bullock cart carrying the murti got stuck. Believing it to be the divine wish, a temple was soon constructed and the murti was installed in the temple on 10^th Feb 1672 at Nathdwara. After nearly two years the murti was consecrated. Often times, murtis have been on a move for decades, till a propitious occasion for their reinstatement could take place.

Incidentally of the nine navnidhis relocated from Braj, four navnidhis- Sri Nathji, Sri Navanit Priya, Sri Vittalnath and Sri Dwarakanth found shelter in Mewar. Three of them- Sri Gokulnath, Sri Gokulchandrama and Sri Madanmohan settled in Jaipur, Sri Mathuresh was moved to Kota and Sri Balakrishna to Surat. Despite the threat of the Muslim sword hovering over their heads, sanatanis risked their lives to save deities. Flight of navanidhis is just one of the shining examples of the exalted attempts and heroic resistance displayed by Hindus.

While some attempts to save murthis have been successful, it would often take years, decades and centuries to retrieve and safely reinstall the murtis in temples. Many times, the murtis are lost forever. Notably all the events of desecration have been handiwork of the invaders, emperors or sultans with no involvement of political circles. 

Nearly every nook and corner of the Medieval India bore the brunt of the barbaric attacks of Muslim invaders. Due to fear of Aurangzeb’s iconoclastic zeal, officiating priests of temples- Varadaraja, Ekamresvara and Kamakshi Amman were quietly removed from temples and after the danger subsided, the murthis were brought back. In this case after 22 years, murthis returned to temples. Similarly, for over thirty years idols of Sri Jagannath were absent from Puri. Sometimes, the murthis are buried in sand to protect them from sacrilege.  

Several Hindu rulers generously donated lands and funds to rebuild the demolished temples. Sri Krishnadevaraya of Vijayanagara Empire, The Marathas, The Gahadalvas, The Rajputs stood forth as “Champions of Hinduism” and played a phenomenal role in rebuilding of temples and preserving the dharma of the land.

Even Portuguese invaders, unleashed a wave of destruction and divested the hallowed land of Gomantak or Goa of its sacred heritage. Described as the land of Parashurama, temples in 58 of the 76 villages were completely destroyed and churches were built in their place.

For all the dubious virtuosity heaped on the undeserving Mughals, almost no temples were allowed to exist in Mughal palace towns throughout their rule. The high-ranking Hindu officials used to obtain a special permission to build small temple in their private spaces surrounded by high rise walls. None of the temples had the hallmark Shikara and remained hidden while the visible mosques dominated the landscape. Hardly any temples were built during the Muslim reign. After the rise of British colonialism, new temples were built. But unfortunately, even after independence, the spate of Hindu civilisation which has endured severe suppression found no hopes of revival. With government tightening its hold and control over the temples, depriving them of necessary fund to maintain and run them, the travails of the santana dharma in its land of origin seems to be unending. The criminal neglect and apathy of the Archaeological Society of India and thriving idol smuggling gangs have only alleviated the ordeals faced by Hindu civilisation.

By systematically obliterating tales of heroic resistance of Hindus from the academic discussions, Leftists have denied the younger generation an opportunity to appreciate and venerate our ancestors who made supreme sacrifices to preserve the identity and traditional heritage of the land. Through unbiased interpretation of the events by painstakingly putting all the facts together, Meenakshi Jain has presented a cogent and coherent picture of the Medieval India. Her invaluable contribution towards understanding the resilience of Hindus and their unwavering faith in dharma will serve as guide for us and the younger generations as well. This outstanding compilation will go a long way in inspiring the deracinated Hindus who wallow in defeatist attitude. The book is more relevant than ever to stir the latent Hindu conscious which till date fails to appreciate the trials and tribulations faced by our revered ancestors to protect, safeguard and preserve the culture for posterity. This absolute must-read should be part of everyone’s personal library.

@ Copyrights reserved.

Modi redefines strategic contours of engagement with China

Galwan Valley Incident is a watershed moment in more than one way. This violent confrontation has changed the strategic contours of the Indo-Chinese relations prompting India to recalibrate its Chinese policy which is jingoistically labelled as an appeasement policy by many noted strategists. In the aftermath of the recent India-China standoff at Eastern Ladakh, Chinese observers tore into India’s Chinese foreign policy and lamented the lack of resolve on the part of New Delhi to handle the annual military adventurism of China. Prime Minister Modi’s assurances and unambiguous statement to safeguard the territorial sovereignty subject to liberal doses of dissection became butt of contradictions forcing the PMO office to come up with a clarification. India’s actions remarked as too little too late and incongruent were belittled.

Unlike in other countries where a bipartisan agreement is reached over issues of national security, in the wake of the LAC standoff, there has been a concerted effort to give more traction to the Chinese apologists, and the left-leaning opposition. The negative clamour of #surrendertochina was amplified several-fold at the behest of undermining neatly chartered India’s foreign policy which is finding resonance with growing global anti-Chinese sentiments since the outbreak of the pandemic. Spearheading the regional leadership against the pandemic, India has steadily expanded the scope of cooperation by actively collaborating with the QUAD plus grouping, G20, NAM, revved up cooperation with middle-income countries and elevated ties with Australia to “Comprehensive Strategic Partnership”.

Notwithstanding the predicament of handling the virus and its originator both at the same time, India refused to be cowed down by hegemonistic ambitions signed a petition seeking an international investigation into the pandemic, allowed two MPs to virtually participate in the oath taking ceremony of Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-Wen and tacitly backed WHO membership to Taiwan. While skirmishes at LAC has been a common event, the newly appointed Chief Western Theatre Command, Zhou Zongqi, handpicked by President Xi raked up hostilities. Exploiting fault lines of previous agreements, Zhou approved a barbaric attack on Indian troops at Galwan Valley on June 15^th, President Xi’s birthday as a token of his loyalty. By obfuscating the terms of agreement, China unilaterally changed terms of engagement and irrevocably broke the trust of India.

As a responsible country, employing the mutually agreed options of quiet diplomacy through Commander level talks India attempted to de-escalate situation. But China continued to aver, in contravention to agreed terms, China amassed forces and laid fresh claims to Galwan valley. Notwithstanding India’s demand for restoration of status quo ante, China dug their heels. Soon, the oft-repeated myth of India has limited options against China as it lags behind in military and financial heft began to gain ground with influential strategists rallying this anomalous analysis ¹.

Economic Measures

Abandoning the hedging posturing, India unleashed a slew of economic, diplomatic and military measures against China. Post Galwan incident, “boycott Chinese products” has become a war cry. Without tacitly endorsing the popular sentiment, fire walling Chinese FDI, India blocked 59 Chinese apps, the appendages of CCP. As per China’s National Intelligence Law legally obligates the Chinese companies to share data and intelligence. Religiously sticking to CCP dictums, Chinese apps have been stealthily transferring user data to servers in China. By banning the Chinese apps with over 300 million users, India thwarted China’s psychological warfare, hit Digital Silk Route ambitions, irrevocably tarnished its global reputation and facilitated the proliferation of indigenous apps. Following the suit, the US designated Huawei and ZTE as “national security threats”. While tangible economic losses aren’t immediately apparent, TikTok alone is estimated to earn revenue of Rs 2.5 Crore per day in India². Though Global Times, vehemently denies any economic losses, reports portray a bleak picture.

Desisting use of trade sanctions as a strategic weapon, Telecom ministry banned all Chinese equipment, Ministry of Railways cancelled signal deal worth Rs 471 Crores. Upping ante against China, Ministry of Road transport and highways decided to disallow Chinese investments in MSME, participation in Indian Highway projects including through the route of joint venture. Placing Pakistan and China in Prior-Reference countries list, Ministry of Power pronounced ban on power equipment imports from China ³. Several state governments cancelled Chinese projects after Galwan clashes.

Diplomatic Measures

Expansionist moves of China nudged India closer to the US and brought democratic nations together. As a display of support, the US announced pulling of troops from Germany to Indo-Pacific. Dismayed by China’s aggressive posturing the US stationed three aircraft carriers in the region. Additionally, under the National Defence Authorisation Act (NDAA) 2021, US promised to offer fighter jet training detachment to India, Japan and Australia from October ⁶. With India, already elevating ties with Australia, its inclusion in the annual MALABAR exercises might eventually strengthen the QUAD and provide it a military angle. A development which China dreaded. Japanese Defense Minister, Tano Karo warning China of its military ambitions announced deepening of intelligence sharing with India, Australia and the UK.

Instead of lying low, India gave a bloody nose to China at Galwan. While India and China are still engaged in de-escalation talks, countries condoled death of Indian soldiers and the US, France, Italy, Australia, the Maldives, Germany, Brazil and Japan expressed support to India. President of Tibetan government in exile Lobsang Sangay condemned the death of Indian soldiers and slammed China. France, strategic partner of India offered to support India’s armed forces, promised to first batch of four combat ready Rafale jets by July end.  

27 nations have opposed China’s National Security Law for Hongkong. India which was initially silent raked up the issue at the UNHRC, expressed its concerns. An international group of thinktanks from 35 nations and territories openly condemned China for throttling Hongkong’s autonomy. At the UNSC, Pakistan attempted to pin the blame of attack on Karachi stock exchange on India backed by China. Germany and the US stalled the resolution.

Shedding the inertia, abandoning hedging posturing, India radically reorienting its China policy. Galwan, is the last straw that broke the camel’s back. Motivated by India’s confrontational approach, perhaps, Myanmar spilled beans on Chinese nefarious scheme of arming the Arakan Army, a designated terror organisation to protect its investments in the country. While Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) urged government to cancel President Xi’s visit over Hongkong new security law. China is now cornered globally. China’s hegemonistic expansionism has compounded resentment of countries grappling with the Chinese Corona virus.

Military Measures

Gearing for a long haul at the LAC, Indian government granted financial powers to the three services to buy new inventory under emergency requirement procedure for up to 500 Crore. India beefed up security across the 3488Km LAC divided into three sectors.  To ensure supply of spare parts and fighter jets amid rising tensions, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh dashed to Russia. Bolstering India’s defence, Defence council approved the emergency purchase of 21 MiG-29s and 12 Sukhoi SU-MKIs and upgrades to 59 MiG-29s ⁴. Getting ready for Contigency-III, a collusive threat from China and Pakistan, India has increased the vigil across LAC and LoC following reports of Pakistan rushing 20,000 troops to Gilgit-Baltistan region to assist PLA. India moved 30,000 soldiers, artillery and mechanised infantry to fortify the Ladakh sector of LAC⁵. Despite Chinese pressure, Russia has agreed to speedup delivery of S-400 batteries by a year, three will be deployed along LoC and two across LAC.

After pushing the economic and diplomatic levers and ensuring a robust battle preparedness to galvanise the morale of the Indian forces, Prime Minister Modi, accompanied by Chief of Armed Staff Bipin Rawat and Army Chief MM Naravane visited the battle front. Unlike the US Presidents, the culture of leader of the country visiting forward posts to enthuse troops has been alien to India. US President is Supreme Commander of Armed Forces. But Prime Minister of India is merely a people’s representative and hence Modi’s visitations signify indirect affirmation of Peoples support to the Armed Forces.

 Applauding the sacrifices, and supreme valour of Indian Army, Modi paid rich tributes to the fallen soldiers and invoked the spirit of Veer Bhogya Vasundhara, “Veer safeguard their motherland with weapons. This is land of valorous. Our determination to ensure safety and security is as high as Himalayas” and Saint Tiruvalluvar’s exhortation- “valour, respect, chivalry and loyalty are the true hall marks of any Army”. Indian Army has always upheld these values. Without naming China, Modi said, “The era of expansionism is over. This is the era of development. A nation besieged by expansionist motives has always been a threat to World peace. History is witness to the fact that such expansionist forces were either defeated or forced to retreat”. Modi asserted that bravery is prerequisite for peace and weak can’t initiate peace indicating that India is still open for dialogue. But negotiation and dialogue shouldn’t be construed as weakness ⁶.

Reflecting on the virtuosity and civilisational values of the land, Modi said, we are the people who idolise and worship a flute playing Krishna and Krishna who wields Sudharshan. This message is to drive home the fact that India would honour friendship and cooperation but wouldn’t shy away from conflict if the situation demands. With his implicit messaging of India’s refusal to cower down, having prioritised procurement of weapons and fast tracking of infrastructure development in the border regions, Modi went full throttle with no holds barred approach.

For the past two months vested interests have been discrediting Indian government’s actions imputing political motives. Since his ascension to power, Modi has invested diplomatic capital in China’s policy. But China’s lack of reciprocity, dogged attempts to thwart India’s global aspirations and unceasing military adventurism has now reached a definitive moment. While most of the World is finding it hard to stand up China, Modi has dared to confront China. Stakes are really high. But Modi has resolved to recast his China policy.

@ Copyrights reserved.