Playing straight from the typical Chinese communist party playbook,
Nepal has included three Indian-controlled territories in its map. Nepal’s act of
releasing a new map on Wednesday with Nepal emblem depicting Kalapani,
Lipulekh and Limpiyadhura a total of 335 sq km of land, administered by the
Pithoragarh district of Uttarakhand has escalated tensions between the two
countries. This unilateral change in the status quo of the region is bound to
take a toll on the tethering bilateral ties which have descended to a new low.
Nepal’s brinkmanship which threatens to drive a wedge by irrevocably damaging
the historical cultural, religious, linguistic ties might have longstanding
implications besides the immediate and palpable strategic ramifications.
Within months into power, Nepal Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli
created ripples for his authoritarian quirks. Having garnered majority on
anti-Indian campaign rhetoric, Oli consistently bolstered ties with China. Centralising
powers, he brought several agencies including the investigation agencies,
social welfare council (that regulates NGOs), revenue investigation and money
laundering agencies (investigating financial scandals) under his control. He
eroded judicial independence, censored news agencies and selectively targeted
dissenters 1. Oli’s high-handed policies drew ire of
political opponents. By April, criticism over poor handling of Corona crisis,
infighting between the factions headed by Oli and Prachanda became more
intense. To avert the political crisis, Oli brought out two ordinances- seeking
amendments to the existing Political Parties act and Constitutional Council. As
per the new ordinance, a split vote can obtain 40% support from either the
central committee or the Parliamentary party to split as opposed to mandatory
40% support from both Central committee and Parliamentary party 2.
Oli rushed these ordinances to split the Samajwadi Party, but
instead of splitting, the party merged with Rashtriya Janata party of Nepal.
Oli’s decision drew severe political criticism, protests erupted and within
four days, he was forced to withdraw the Ordinances 3. With intra-party fighting showing no signs of
abatement, Chinese ambassador to Nepal, Hon Yanqi intervened. She held meetings
with different leaders including the President and Prime Minister Oli. Yanqi
held two meetings with Oli in a week. Around the same time, extending support
to Nepal in its fight against Corona, President Xi held meeting with Nepali
President Bidhya Bhandari. The Prachanda faction was in talks with Song Tao,
head of International Liasion Department of the Communist Party of China to
discuss the latest political developments among other things 4.
China extensively engaged with Nepali political hierarchy in the intervening
week of April and May.
On May 2nd, while Chinese ambassador held parleys
with Nepali leaders, CGTN (Chinese Global Television Network) made an
unsuccessful bid to lay claims over the Mt. Everest christening it as Mount
Qomolangma, located in the China’s Tibetan Autonomous Region on twitter. Netizens
trolled CGTN for its ludicrous claims, following intense backlash, the tweet
was pulled down. China’s nascent bid to consolidate claims over Mt. Everest and
its controversial move to mount 5G network at 8000mt to snoop over India,
Bangladesh, Myanmar is clearly an attempt to infiltrate into the sub-continent.
Capitalising on the simmering anti-India sentiment, China
started using Himalayan country as a pawn in its geopolitical game play.
Despite China’s proclamations of non-interference in affairs of foreign
countries, Beijing’s implacable role in the ouster of Zimbabwe President Robert
Mugabe, in 2017 has alerted World of its backchannel dealings and political
collusions. Given Nepal political dispensation’s formidable links with the
Chinese Communist Party for the past decade, a similar scenario can’t be ruled
out.
Post 2015 blockade, Indo-Nepalese ties have taken a massive
hit. Even Prime Minister Modi’s cultural outreach failed to mollify the
Nepalese. The publication of the restructured India’s political map in
November, 2019 with Kalapani as a part of Indian state of Uttarakhand has
triggered a new storm and opened fresh debates about its inclusion. Kalapani
has been at the heart of Indo-Nepalese border dispute. While foreign secretary
talks were planned to resolve the dispute in the wake of severe protests from
Nepal, the issue was pushed to a backburner due to Corona pandemic.
Inauguration of 80-km road to Lipulekh pass, the trijunction
of India, Nepal and Tibet on May 8th by Indian Defence Minister
Rajnath Singh has resurrected the border dispute. This road will offer an
alternate route to reach Manasarovar, the other being the Natha La pass in
Sikkim. Having realised the need for developing extensive infrastructure
leading to trijunctions along the LAC (Line of Actual Control), India expedited
projects in the region. Development of Lipulekh road has been in public domain
since 2008 but Nepal raised fresh objections now. Terming this as “unilateral”
act, Nepal foreign ministry summoned Indian Ambassador and asked India to “refrain
from carrying out any activity inside the territory of Nepal”.
Borders of India and Nepal are delineated as per the Treaty
of Sugauli, 1816. Accordingly, the area west of the river Kali or the Mahakali
or Sarada falls in the Indian territory while the area to the East of river belongs
to Nepal. But the dispute became murkier with nations having a conflicting
opinion about the origin of the river Kali. Nepal claims that river originates
from a stream at Limpiyadhura, north-west of Lipulekh. Thus, all the three
regions, Kalapani, Limpiyadhura and Lipulekh fall to the east of the river part
of Darchula district of Nepal. While India claims that Kali originates
somewhere downstream of the pass. India has the administrative and revenue
records showing Kalapani as part of Pithoragarh district of Uttarakhand. Both
countries have set up Boundary Technical groups which successfully resolved
several areas except Kalapani and Susta. Though leaders of both sides have
repeatedly pledged to demarcate the region properly but it hasn’t happened 5.
During the Indo-Sino 1962 war, India has set up a military
post at Kalapani perched at an altitude of 20,000ft offering a great strategic
advantage. Since then India has been operating from the region while Nepal calls
it an encroachment. Matters became worse after India and China agreed to set up
trading post at Lipulekh in 2016 without taking Nepal onboard. While Nepal
terms Lipulekh as trijunction, after the joint statement in 2016, China never
raised the issue. Pertinent to say, it believes that the region is a bilateral
issue. But then at the height of the Doklam crisis, Chinese mouth piece, The
Global Times threatened that India might be helpless if PLA would walk in, “through
Kalapani or into Kashmir, through PoK”, both trijunctions like Doklam. Needless
to say, these regions are strategically very important to India’s security 6.
Resolving the outstanding border disputes can not only
enhance trust but can favourably usher the regions into a pragmatic
cooperation. But Prime Minister Oli battling an intra-party infighting, picked
up perfect occasion to brew a storm in the region at a time when the border
skirmishes along LAC have escalated.
Through bombastic claims aimed at stirring
ultra-nationalistic fervour, Oli whipped up anti-Indian sentiments creating unwarranted
tensions. The tearing hurry in passing a special resolution in Parliament to
reclaim three regions and cabinet decision to bring about a new map is not lost
on the strategic analysts who are quick to point at similar act of the Dragon.
Defending its unabated aggressive reclamation of the South China Sea (SCS)
China hinged its legal claims to the region by way of historical nine-dash
demarcation. While there is no historicity to the nine-dash line, to buttress
China’s maritime treasures, the nationalist government in 1947 employed Yang
Huairen, a Chinese geographer to make 11-dash line and 286 bits of rock and
turf on Chinese map to demarcate Chinese waters in the SCS. Indeed, the British
educated Yang painstakingly used the maps prepared by the British explorers to
map the territorial features in the SCS. In 1949, Kuomintang which suffered
defeat at the hands of Communist party, fled China for Taiwan.
The communist party used the map. In 1952, the map lost two
dashes after Mao ceded claims of Gulf of Tonkin, to Vietnam to bring it into
Communist fold. Research shows that till 2012, the phrase nine-dash line has
been used only six times 7. When Philippines pulled China to
ICJ for laying claims over the Scarborough Shoal, ICJ quashed China’s historic
claims. Though China has rejected the verdict, China’s shallow claims are now
deemed fake and can’t stand the legal scrutiny. In the wake of inclusion of
Kalapani by India, Nepal mulled the prospect of taking the issue to ICJ for
settlement. The chorus for such proposal has grown louder after the release of
its new map. Pertinent to say, while archives of treaties, map libraries,
historical documents and articles by boundary experts would help in conflict
resolution, artificial expansion of territory on a map will not be legally
valid.
India peacefully resolved both maritime and land boundary
disputes by exchanging conclaves peacefully. Oli’s unwarranted needling of
India with inelegant references to India’s emblem “Satyameva Jayate”
(truth alone triumphs) and mocking whether it is “Sinhaev Jayate” (lion
prevails) and telling the lawmakers that Corona virus from India is more “lethal”
than those from China or Italy8 is bound to create bad blood. As a
part of bilateral cooperation 9 India sent 23
tonnes of medical supplies and Nepal has publicly expressed its gratitude.
But Oli’s brinkmanship to tide over his waning popularity,
amid health emergency, at the height of escalations along the LAC hint at a
plausible geopolitical collusion. Perhaps, Indian Army General MM Naravane may
not be completely wrong in stating that “Nepal is protesting at behest of
someone”.
Besides, Nepal’s complete silence and helplessness despite
Huawei’s alleged hacking of over 200 Nepali websites and various land grab
attempts including 36 hectares of land in four different districts as part of
road expansion project, 6- hectares in Bhagdare river, 4- hectares in Karnali
river, 6- hectares in Sanjen river, Bhurjung river and Jambukhola, 11- hectares
in Sindhupal Chowk, 9 hectares in Sankhuwasabha. All these areas are now
completely or merged into Tibet 10. While Nepal vociferously lashes
out at India, it hardly raises a finger at China.
As a responsible regional power while is incumbent on India
to constitute a mechanism to amicably resolve the dispute, Nepal must stop
playing the “small country syndrome” for eternity seeking an identity at
every turn of event and calling it tyranny of the weak. Nepal has been playing
India against China since 1950s conveniently trivialising issues. It is time,
Nepali leaders stop raking border issues with are integral for sovereignty and
territorial integrity for its petty political gains.